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VITCOS, x& 

THE LAST INCA CAPITAL 



BY 
HIRAM BINGHAM 

Director of the Yale Peruvian Expedition 



Reprinted from the Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society 
for April, 1912. 



WORCESTER, MASSACHUSETTS, U.S.A. 

PUBLISHED BY THE SOCIETY 

1912 






The Davis Press 
Worcester, Mass. 



Author 



•\ 



,1 & 






VITCOS, THE LAST INCA CAPITAL. 



I. 

The origin of the Yale Peruvian Expedition of 1911 
lay in my desire to solve the problem of the last Inca 
capital and the country occupied by Manco Inca and his 
successors for thirty-five years after his revolt against 
Pizarro. On a journey across Peru from Cuzco to 
Lima on mule-back, in 1909, 1 I had visited Choqque- 
quirau, an interesting group of ruins on a ridge sur- 
rounded by precipices 6,000 feet above the bottom of 
the Apurimac valley. The local traditions had it that 
this place was the home of Manco Inca after he fled 
from Pizarro's conquering hosts. 2 It was recorded that 
he took with him into the fastnesses of Vilcabamba 3 
a great quantity of treasure, besides his family and 
courtiers. Nevertheless, Prescott does not mention the 
name of Vilcabamba, and only says that Manco fled 
into the most inaccessible parts of the cordillera. When 
the great Peruvian geographer, Raimondi, visited this 
region about the middle of the XIX Century no one 
seems to have thought of telling him there were any 
ruins in the Vilcabamba valley or indeed in the Uru- 
bamba valley below Ollantaytambo. He did, however, 
remember that the young Inca Manco had established 



1 Described on pp. 280-378 of "Across South America," published in 1911. 

* See "The Ruins of Choqquequirau. " American Anthropol. Oct., 1910. 

3 It appears to have been customary to speak of the country or place where Manco 
lived, sometimes as Vitcos, sometimes as Vilcabamba. For an instance of the former 
see: Spain. Ministerio de Fomento. "Relaciones geograficas de Indias." Publicalaa 
el Ministerio de Fomento. Peru. Tomo IV. Madrid. 1897. p. 102. 



himself in "Vilcabamba," and so he suggests that this 
"Vilcabamba" must have been in the valley of the 
Apurimac at Choqquequirau. He knew that interesting 
ruins had been found at this place by the French explorer 
Sartiges, and were described by him, under the nomde 
plume of E. Lavandais, in the " Revue des Deux 
Mondes" in 1851. 4 

Raimondi' s proofs of the coincidence of Choqquequi- 
rau and Vilcabamba, and indeed one of our chief sources 
for the historical geography of the region, are to be 
found in a quaint old folio, written by the Augustinian, 
Father Calancha, in the XVII Century. 5 In his very 
verbose "Coronica Moralizada" he tells of the martyr- 
dom in Vilcabamba of Fray Diego Ortiz, and its causes 
and consequences. Unfortunately for us, but quite 
naturally for him, his pages are full of "demonios," 
and their terrible manifestations. He has little room 
for geographical detail. But he does say that Pucyura, 
where the monks had one of their mission stations, was 
two or three days' journey from Vilcabamba. The 
present villages of these names are only two leagues 
apart, and it is evident that Calancha is not speaking of 
them. Furthermore, Raimondi visited both villages 
and saw nothing of any ruins in either place. 6 



4 See: Lavandais, E. "Voyage dans les Republiques de l'Amerique de Sud. . ." 
Revue des Deux Mondes, Tome II. 1851. 

5 Calancha, Antonio de la. "Coronica moralizada del Orden de San Augustin en el 
Peru." . . Barcelona: 1638. 

6 It is evident from the last paragraph of the following quotation from Raimondi that 
no one told him of the ruins of Rosaspata, near Pucyura: . . . "El padre Calancha dice : 
'Edifico Iglesia dos jornados largas de Vilcabamba en Puquiura, pueblo en que el Rey 
Inga tenia su Corte y sus ejercitos, siendo este el primer templo.' Las precedentes 
palabras dan a entender que Puquiura, distaba de Vilcabamba dos jornados largos, lo 
que es un error, pues dista apenas dos leguas. Podria ser este un error casual, escribien- 
do la palabra jornados en vez de leguas; pero yo creo que Calancha confundio la pobla- 
cion de Vilcabamba con el lugar donde residia el Inca, y que, como he dicho, hoy se cono- 
cen sus ruinas con el nombre de Choquequirao ; pues desde Puc-yura a este lugar, habra 
cabalmente dos jornados de camino. Por otra parte, se comprende facilemente, como 
el padre Calancha haya cometido este error, pues casi todos los autores al hablar del lugar 
donde se retiro el Inca Manco, dicen que fue en los Andes de Vilcabamba, sin designar 
la poblacion. Puc-yura, como se acaba de decir, dista de la poblacion de Vilcabamba unas 
dos leguas, se halla situada mas abajo en la quebrada, y en la actualidad es un miserable 
pueblicito, que consiste en una pequena rancheria con una mezquina capilla." .... 
(Raimondi, Antonio. "El Peru." Tomo II. Lima: 1876. Page 161.) 



As the only ruins described in this region were those 
of Choqquequirau, nearly all the Peruvian writers, 
including the geographer Paz Soldan, have fallen in with 
Raimondi's idea that this was the refuge of Manco. 
The word Choqquequirau means " cradle of gold." 
This lent color to the story in the Spanish chronicles 
that Manco had carried off with him from Cuzco 
great quantities of gold utensils for use in his new 
capital. 

Personally I did not feel so sure that Choqquequirau 
was the Inca town of Vilcabamba. The ruins did not 
seem fine enough for an Inca's residence. There were 
certainly no " sumptuous palaces" all " built of marble." 
Furthermore, I was very anxious to visit the vicinity 
of Pucyura and see whether we could not find there 
stone remains of Inca occupation. No travellers seemed 
to have visited the ancient province and reported their 
discoveries, except Raimondi, — and he was not satis- 
factory. There were rumors of others, however, and 
the Spanish chroniclers who give in detail the story of 
the expedition which ultimately captured the last Inca, 
(Manco's third son, Tupac Amaru), and drove the 
family out of Vilcabamba, mention a certain number of 
places inhabited by the Incas. 

After my visit to Choqquequirau in 1909, an assistant 
in the National Library at Lima, Carlos A. Romero, 
published a scholarly paper 7 on the ruins. He had not 
visited them, but had looked up all the references to 
them, and found the first occurrence of the word Choq- 
quequirau was as late as 1768. The old name remains 
to be found. Furthermore Romero pointed out that 
the proper name for Manco's capital was Vitcos. From 
the contemporary accounts I came to the conclusion 
that Senor Romero was correct, and that it must be our 
aim to locate Vitcos. 

Senor Romero expressed the opinion that Vitcos was 
near Pucyura, but as he had never been far from the 

7 Romero, Carlos A. "Informe sobre las Ruinas de Choqquequirau." Lima: 1909. 
(Instituto Historico del Peru.) 



6 

outskirts of Lima, and as Raimondi reported no ruins 
near Pucyura, we felt very uncertain of our chances. 
Apparently there is no part of the Inca empire so little 
known as Vitcos and Vilcabamba. This made me all 
the more anxious to carry an exploring expedition into 
the Vilcabamba valley, to see whether ruins could be 
found which might enable us to understand more clearly 
the history of the years between Manco 's unsuccessful 
siege of Cuzco in 1536 and the capture of his grandson, 
Tupac Amaru, in 1571. The stories of the first mission- 
aries who went into this region, and of the expedition 
that finally captured Tupac Amaru and brought him 
to Cuzco, contain the names of many places which do 
not exist on any map to-day. It was in order to eluci- 
date this history, locate the places mentioned in it, and 
find out what kind of a capital Manco had established 
in the wilds of Vilcabamba, that the Peruvian Expedi- 
tion was organized. 

II. 

Less than a hundred miles north of Cuzco lies the 
ancient province of Vilcabamba, an almost unexplored 
labyrinth of snow-clad peaks and deep green valleys. 
Practically cut off from central Peru by the magnificent 
canyon of the Apurimac, this mountainous province 
formed an ideal refuge for the young Inca Manco. 

Readers of Prescott's charming classic or of Mark- 
ham's recent "Incas of Peru," will remember that this 
unfortunate prince, a son of the great Inca Huayna 
Capac, was selected by Pizarro and his friends as the 
most available figurehead to set up as Inca and to rule 
in accordance with their dictates. His induction into 
office in 1534 with appropriate ceremonies, the barbaric 
splendour of which only made the farce the more pitiful, 
did little to gratify his natural ambition. As might 
have been foreseen, he chafed under restraint, escaped 
as soon as possible from his attentive guardians, and 
raised an army of faithful Quichuas. Then followed the 



8 

famous siege of Cuzco, 8 so vividly described by 
Prescott. 

When Cuzco was relieved by Almagro, and Maneo's 
last chance of regaining the ancient capital of his ances- 
tors failed, he retreated in 1536 to the powerful fortress 
of Ollantaytambo. Here on the banks of the river 
Urubamba he made a stand. But the peaceful moun- 
tain Indians never have made good warriors, and, al- 
though aroused to their utmost endeavors by the pres- 
ence of those magnificent stone edifices which a more 
energetic race erected more than a thousand years 
before, they decided to retreat. Driven out of Ollan- 
taytambo, the young Inca Manco fled in a northerly 
direction, and made good his escape into the fastnesses 
of Vilcabamba. The Spaniards found his position 
practically impregnable. Vilcabamba, defended by 
nature in one of her profoundest moods, was only to be 
entered by marvelously constructed mountain trails, 
and by passing over roaring torrents on frail suspension 
bridges. These trails the energetic Manco found it 
easy to defend. 

For the next ten years he lived and ruled in this won- 
derful region at a place variously called Vitcos, 9 Viticos, 9 
Videos, 10 or Pitcos. 9 Safe from the armed forces of his 
enemies and using Vitcos as a base, he was accustomed to 
sally forth frequently and in unexpected directions. His 



8 The siege of Cuzco is briefly described by Don Alonzo Enriquez de Guzman, who took 
part in it. Of its character he says: "I am able to certify that this was the most fearful 
and cruel war in the world; for, between the Christians and Moors there is some fellow- 
feeling, and both sides follow their own interests in sparing those whom they take alive, 
for the sake of their ransoms; but in this Indian war there is no such feeling on one side 
or the other, and they give each other the most cruel deaths they can invent. " (Life 
and Acts of Don Alonzo Enriquez de Guzman. Translated by Sir Clements R. Mark- 
ham, p. 101.) 

Other accounts of the siege are found in Prescott: vol. 2, chap. x. Helps: vol. iv, 
book xvii, chap, hi; Garc. de Vega: Comm. Real. pt. ii, lib. ii, cap. xxiv; Herrera: dec. 
Iv, lib. 11, cap. iii, etc. 

9A11 three spellings appear in : Peru. Juicio de Limites entre el Peru y Bolivia. Vol. 
VII. Vilcabamba. As follows. Vitcos: pp 200 and 302. Viticos. 79; 90; 97; 110; 
218; 295; Pitcos: 316. 

ioFor the spelling Videos see: Pietschmann. "Bericht des Diego Rodriguez de Figueroa 
iiber seine Verhandlungen met dem Inka Titu Cusi Yupanqui in den Anden von Vill- 
capampa," pp. 94 and 97. 



9 

raids were usually successful. It was his custom to 
announce that they were in the nature of attempts to 
take vengeance on the Spaniards for what they had 
done to him and his family. It appears to have been 
relatively easy for him to cross the Apurimac from 
Vitcos and attack persons travelling on the great road 
from Lima to Cuzco. It was in order to make this road 
secure for travellers that Ayacucho was founded by 
Pizarro. 

The contemporary account of Manco's life in Vitcos, 
written in 1550 by Cieza de Leon, is the best and most 
graphic that we possess. (I quote from Sir Clements 
Markham's translation): 

" After the war at Cuzco between the Indians and the 
Spaniards, the King Manco Ynca, seeing that he could 
not recover the city of Cuzco, determined to retire into 
the provinces of Viticos, which are in the most retired 
part of these regions beyond the great Cordillera of the 
Andes. . .*'» 

"When it was known that Manco Ynca entertained 
this intention, many of the Orejones of Cuzco (the 
nobility of that city) wished to follow him. Having 
reached Viticos with a great quantity of treasure, 12 
collected from various parts, together with his women 



"Compare another account by the same author, as follows: "... con algunos que 
le siguieron 6 sus mujeres 6 sirvientes, 6 todo su tesoro, que no era poco, se fue a meter 
en las provincias de Viticos, que estan metidas a la parte de Mediodia 6 mas adentro de 
los Andes, porque alii le parecid estaria seguro de los cristianos, sus enemigos, e" no oirian 
los relinchos y bufidos de sus caballos, ni las tajantes espadas cortarian mas en sus 
carnes. " . . . (Cieza de Leon, Pedro: "Guerras civiles del Peru. I. Guerra de Las 
Salinas.": In Coleccion de Documentos inSditos para la historia de Espafia. Tomo 
LXVIII pp. 337-338.) 

12 Compare also Cieza's other account in " Guerra de Las Salinas, " (Col. de documentos 
in6d. para la hist, de Espafia, p. 338: — . . . "Los indios 6 mas principales orejones, 
que alii al presente estaban, alegremente oyeron a Mango Inga, 6 lu6go se aparejaron 
para ir en voluntario destierro en aquella parte e provincias que arriba hemos dicho, 6 
no sin gran afliccion de todos ellos acondandose de los placeres 6 deleites que habian teni- 
do en el Cuzco y en las mas partes de este reino. Llevaba Mango Inga muy gran canti- 
dad de tesoro, 6 muchas cargas de rica ropa de lana delgada 6 muy vistosa; e con todo 
ello se metio en los Andes 6 allego a Viticos, donde hizo su asiento en la comarca que 
tiene agora la ciudad de Guanuco. Hay grandes provincias e muchos indios, 6 andaba 
hecho tirano un Villatopa, de linaje de los Ingas, 6 habia juntado a si muchos de los ore- 
jones, 6 obedeciendole por capitan andaba maltratando a los naturales 6 arruinandoles 
sus pueblos." 



10 

and retinue, the King Manco Ynca established him- 
self in the strongest place he could find, whence he sallied 
forth many times, and in many directions, to disturb 
those parts which were quiet, and to do what harm he 
could to the Spaniards, whom he considered as cruel 
enemies. They had, indeed, seized his inheritance, 
forcing him to leave his native land, and to live in ban- 
ishment. These and other things were published by 
Manco Ynca and his followers, in the places to which 
they came for the purpose of robbing and doing mischief. 
As in these provinces no Spanish city had been built, 
the natives were given in encomienda, some to citizens 
of Cuzco, and others to those of the City of the Kings. 
Thus the Indians of Manco Ynca were able to do much 
harm to the Spaniards and to the friendly Indians, 
killing and robbing many of them. 13 

" These things rose to such a height that the Marquis 
Don Francisco Pizarro sent captains against Manco 
Ynca. The factor Yllan Suarez de Carbajal, by order 
of the Marquis, set out from Cuzco and sent the captain 
Villa-diego to reconnoitre with a force of Spaniards, 
for there was news that the Ynca was not far distant 
from the place where he was encamped. Notwithstand- 
ing that they were without horses (which is the most 
important arm against these Indians), they pressed on 
because they were confident in their strength, and desired 
to enjoy the spoils of the Ynca, thinking that he had his 
women and treasures with him. They reached the 
summit of a mountain, 14 fatigued and exhausted, when 

is "El re y Mango Inga Yupangui, habiendose retirado a las espesuras de los Andes con 
los orejones e capitanes viejos que habian tratado la guerra con los espafioles, 6 como no 
se hobiese fundada la ciudad de San Juan de la Vitoria de Guamanga, e los contratantes 
de Los Reyes e de otras partes iban con sus mercaderias al Cuzco, salian a ellos, 6 despues 
de les haber robado su hacienda los mataban, llevando vivos a algunos si les parecia, 6 
hechas las cabalgadas se volvian a Viticos, principal asiento, 6 a los cristianos que lleva- 
ban vivos, en presencia de sus mujeres les daban grandes tormentos, vengando en ellos 
su injuria como si su fortuna pudiera ser mayor, e los mandaban empalar metiendoles 
por las partes inferiores agudas estacas que les salian por las bocas; e caus6 tanto miedo 
saber estas nuevas, que muchos que tenian negocios privados e dun que tocaban a la 
gobernacion no osaban ir al Cuzco, si no fuesen acompafiados y bien armados. ..." 
Cieza de Leon: "Guerra de Las Salinas. " In Col. de Documentos ined. para la historia 
de Espafia, Tomo LXVIII, p. 424.) 

14 The mountain here spoken of is very likely one of the lofty passes from the Uru- 
bamba valley near Panticalla or Lares. 



11 

the Ynca, with little more than eighty Indians, attacked 
the Christians, who numbered twenty-eight or thirty, 
and killed the captain Villa-diego, and all his men, 
except two or three, who escaped with the aid of the 
friendly Indians. These fugitives presented themselves 
to the factor, who deeply felt the misfortune. 15 When 
the Marquis Don Francisco Pizarro heard of it, he hastily 
set out from the city of Cuzco with a body of men, who 
had orders to pursue Manco Ynca. But this attempt 
also failed, for the Ynca retreated to his settlement at 
Viticos, with the heads of the Christians. Afterwards 
the captain Gonzalo Pizarro undertook the pursuit of 
the Ynca, and occupied some of his passes and bridges. 
At last, as the evils done by the Indians had been great, 
the governor Don Francisco Pizarro, with the assent of 
the royal officers who were with him, determined to form 
a settlement 16 between Cuzco and Lima (which is the 
City of the Kings), so as to make the road secure for 
travellers." 17 18 

Garcillasso Inca de la Vega, born in Peru, 1539, a 
younger contemporary, gives this account of his cousin 
Manco's marauding expeditions during the years 1536- 
1546, while he was a boy living in Cuzco. (I quote 
from Sir Paul Rycaut's translation.) 19 

"Many years past, in the Time of his Father, Manco 
Inca, several Robberies were committed on the road by 
his Subjects: but still they had that respect to the 

15 For a more detailed account of this affair see: Cieza de Leon: "Guerra de Las 
Salinas," In Coleccion de Documentos ined. para la historia de Espafia, Tomo LXVIII, 
pp. 425-431. — "Como Villadiego con los trienta cristianos fueron en seguimiento del 
Inga sin querer aguardar los caballos ni enviar aviso al Fator, e de como yendo muy 
cansados e fatigados, Mango Inga salio con ochenta indios e mato veinte 6 cuatro 
cristianos 6 los demas escaparon huyendo. " (p. 427.) 

16 This city was later called Ayacucho. 

17 The Travels of Pedro de Cieza de Leon. ed. by Markham, London: 1864, pp. 304- 
306. 

18 See also: Cieza de Leon: "Guerra de Las Salinas," In Col. de documentos ined. 
para la historia de Espafia, Tomo LXVIII, pp. 440-443. — "De como el Gobernador D. 
Francisco Pizarro estando en la ciudad del Cuzco tuvo nueva de la muerte del capitan 
Villadiego y de los otros espafioles, e de como salio de aquella ciudad para se juntar con 
el Fator, e de la fundacion de la ciudad de Guamanga. " (p. 440.) 

19 Garcilasso de la Vega, el Inca: " The Royal Commentaries of Peru, in two parts. . . 
rendered into English by Sir Paul Rycaut." London: 1688. p. 1009-1010. 



12 

Spanish Merchants, that they let them go free, and 
never pillag'd them of their Wares and Merchandise, 
which were in no manner useful to them; Howsoever 
they robbed the Indians of their Cattel bred in the 
Countrey, which they drove to the Markets, being en- 
forced thereunto more out of necessity than choice; for 
their Inca living in the Mountains, which afforded no 
tame Cattel; and only produced Tigers, and Lions, and 
Serpents of twenty five and thirty Foot long, with other 
venomous Insects (of which we have given a large ac- 
count in this History) his Subjects were compelled for 
the natural sustenance of their Prince, to supply him 
with such Food as they found in the hands of the Indians ; 
which the Inca Father of this Prince did usually call his 
own, saying, That he who was Master of that whole 
Empire might lawfully challenge such a proportion there- 
of as was convenient to supply his necessary and natural 
support. But this passed only in the time of this Inca, 
and as I remember when I was a Child, I heard of three 
or four such Robberies, which were committed by the 
Indians." 

The method of warfare and the weapons used by Man- 
co and his followers at this time are thus described by 
by a contemporary soldier, Alonzo Enriquez de Guz- 
man, 20 who fought against Manco. He says the In- 
dians had no defensive, but many offensive arms, "such 
as lances, arrows, clubs, axes, halberds, darts, and slings, 
and another weapon which they call ayllas, consisting 
of three round stones sewn up in leather, and each fas- 
tened to a cord a cubit long. They throw these at the 
horses, and thus bind their legs together; and sometimes 
they will fasten a man's arms to his sides in the same 
way. These Indians are so expert in the use of this 
weapon, that they will bring down a deer with it in the 
chase. Their principal weapon, however, is the sling, 
which I have delayed mentioning to the last. With it 
they will hurl a huge stone with such force that it will 

20 Life and Acts of Don Alonzo Enriquez de Guzman, translated by Sir Clements R. 
Markham. p. 101. 



13 

kill a horse; in truth, the effect is little less great than 
that of an arquebus; and I have seen a stone, thus hurled 
from a sling, break a sword in two pieces, which was held 
in a man's hand at a distance of thirty paces. The 
Indians also adopted the following strategem : they made 
an endless number of deep holes, with stakes bristling 
in them, and covered over with straw and earth. The 
horses often fell into them; and the rider was generally 
killed. " 

Father Calancha, who published in 1639 his Moral 
Chronicle of the missionary activities of the Augustinians 
in Peru, devotes his fourth book largely to the Vitcos 
country and to Fray Diego Ortiz, who was martyred 
there. Father Calancha, (p. 792) adds in regard to 
Manco that after his attempt to regain Cuzco failed he 
"retired to the jungles and Andes of Vilcabamba, where 
he fortified himself, cutting bridges, blocking up passes, 
and stationing in the forests and on the mountain-sides 
armies of Indians, who, by throwing down boulders and 
quantities of rocks, rendered passing impossible. He 
gathered in Spanish fugitives, rascals worthy of his 
favor, obliging them to become declared enemies of our 
King and Queen. Gonzalo Pizarro entered [Vilcabam- 
ba] with three hundred men, and although he was unable 
to accomplish much of importance, returned from the 
jungles after losing many of his soldiers owing to the 
ruggedness of the land. The same thing happened to 
Rodrigo Ordonez, who was sent by Diego de Almagro. 
Safe in that province, and obeyed by all the provinces, 
which in that region extend for two hundred leagues 
and more toward the east, and toward the south, where 
there were innumerable Indians in various provinces, 
Manaries, Momoris, Sapacaties, and others, [the Inca] 
compelled the baptized Indians, who had fled from those 
provinces where the Spaniards govern, to abandon their 
faith, by torturing the Indians who after baptism did 
not worship the idols that he held." 21 

21 Calancha, Antonio de la. "Coronica moralizada del Orden de San Augustin en el 
Peru, con sucesos egenplares en esta Monarquia. . ." Barcelona: 1638. Tomo I, p. 
792-793:— (The text reads)— 



14 

This last story need not be taken too literally. It 
was a favorite trick of monastic writers to accuse heathen 
of torturing Christians. 

Our account of what happened in Vitcos under the 
rule of Manco is rather meager. We do know, however, 
that he was kept well informed by Indian spies of what 
went on in the Viceroyalty. Perhaps the most exciting 
news that reached Vitcos was in regard to the New Laws. 
These "new laws" were the result of the efforts of the 
good bishop Las Casas to alleviate the sufferings of the 
Indians. They provided, among other things, that 
all the officers of the crown were to renounce their 
repartimientos or holdings of Indians, and that personal 
service of the natives was to be entirely abolished. 22 
Holdings given to the conquerors were not to pass to 
their heirs, but were to revert to the king. In other 
words they gave evidence that the Spanish crown wished 
to be kind to the Indians, and did not approve of the 
action of the conquistadores. This was pleasant news 
for Manco. But the attempt in 1544 to introduce these 
laws into Peru, where the first Viceroy, Blasco Nunez 
de Vela, undertook to execute them, was disastrous. 
The resistance took the form of a far-reaching rebellion, 
led by Gonzalo Pizarro, which resulted in the death of 
the Viceroy and the temporary suppression of all Span- 
ish authority. Garcilasso de la Vega relates the story 
of how Manco heard the story and discussed it with 

"Este Mancocapac des-pues del alcamiento general con que al-borotd este Reyno, i le 
tuvo a punto de recobrar, en que se derramd tanta sangre de Indios i Espanoles, se re tiro a 
las montanas, i Andes de Vilcabanba, donde se fortified cortando puentes, cerrando pa-sos, 
i poniendo sobre montes i laderas e- gercitos de Indios, que derribando gal-gas, i multi- 
tud de medias pefias, azian in-posible el pasage, recogia Espanoles fu-gitivos, que delin- 
quentes se valian de su anparo, obligandolos a que fuesen ene-migos declarados contra 
nuestros Reyes. Goncalo Pigarro entrd con trecientos onbres, i no aviendo obrado co3a 
de in-portancia, bolvid a salir de las montanas perdiendo muchos de sus soldados en las 
asperezas, i lo mismo le sucedio a Ro-drigo Ordonez enbiado por Diego de Almagro. 
Asegurado ya en aquella Pro-vincia, i obedeciendole todas las Provin-cias, que por aquella 
parte se estienden docientas leguas i mas azia el Oriente, i azia el Sur, donde avia inumer- 
ables In-dios en varias Provincias, Manaries, Mo-moris, Sapacaties, i ofcras diversas, 
azia a-postatar a los Indios baufcizados, que se huian destas Provincias donde los Espa- 
noles governavan, atormentando a los Indios, que despues del bautismo no a-doravan los 
Idolos que el tenia." (From Chap. 2.) 

22 Moses, Bernard. "Establishment of Spanish rule in America." N. Y. and Lond. 
1898. pp. 99-102. 



15 

several Spanish refugees whom Calancha speaks of as 
"fugitive Spanish rascals/ ' adherents of Almagro who 
had fled from the power of the Pizarros and taken up their 
abode with him in Vitcos. (I quote from Sir Paul 
Rycaut's translation, London: 1688.) 23 

"And here it is to be noted; That Diego Mandez and 
Gomez Perez, with six other Spaniards whom we former- 
ly nominated, and mentioned to have made their escape 
out of prison, where they had been confined by the 
faction of the Pizarros, and by the Justice of Vaca de 
Castro ; and having taken refuge with this Inca, they by 
his means came to know and receive all the Informations 
and Advices concerning the new Troubles and Dissen- 
sions arising upon the execution of the new Laws: 
for whereas it was reported that the Vice-king came to 
turn all things upside down, and to change and alter all 
the Constitutions of the Countrey; the Inca, who was 
encompassed within the craggy and lofty mountains, 
was informed by his Subjects of all these revolutions 
which he thought might be of benefit and concernment 
to him. 

"With this news Diego Mendez and his Companions 
were highly pleased and persuaded the Inca to write 
a Letter to the Vice-king, desiring his Licence to be 
enlarged from his retirement, and appear in his presence, 
and serve his Majesty in any thing, as occasion should 
offer: the Inca was induced at the persuasion of the 
Spaniards to make this Petition, who told him, that it 
might be a means to open a way to his recovery of 
the whole Empire, or at least of the best part of it. The 
Spaniards also wrote as from themselves desiring a par- 
don for what was past, and a protection or safe conduct 
in the attendance of his Lordship, to perform their duty 
to him. 

"Gomez Perez was the person appointed and elected 
to be Ambassadour from the Inca, attended with 10 or 
12 Indians, who by command of the Inca were ordered 

28 Garcilasso de la Vega, el Inca: "The Royal Commentaries of Peru, in two parts 
, . . rendered into English by Sir Paul Rycaut. London: 1688. pp. 671-673. 



16 

to doe him service. And being come to the Vice-king, 
he presented his Letters of Credence to him, giving him 
a large relation of the State and Condition of the Inca, 
and of his true and real designs to doe him service. The 
Vice-king joyfully received the news, and granted a full 
and ample pardon of all crimes, as desired. 24 And as 
to the Inca he made many kind expressions of love 
and respect, truly considering that the Interest of the 
Inca might be advantageous to him, both in War and 
Peace. And with this satisfactory Answer Gomez 
Perez returned both to the Inca and to his companions... " 

The refugees were delighted with the news and got 
ready to go. Their departure from Vitcos was prevented 
by an unfortunate accident, the result of a quarrel, thus 
described by Garcilasso: 

"The Inca, to humour the Spaniards and entertain 
himself with them, had given directions for making a 
bowling-green; where playing one day with Gomez 
Perez ; he came to have some quarrel and difference with 
this Perez about the measure of a Cast, the which often 
happened out between them; for this Perez, being a per- 
son of a hot and fiery brain, without any judgment or 
understanding, would take the least occasion in the world 
to contend with and provoke the Inca; who notwith- 
standing, being a very discreet person and of good tem- 
per, did moderate and disguise his passion, and would 
not refuse to play with him, as he did with other Span- 
iards, who were more obliging, and less offensive in their 
gaming: but Gomez Perez, being puffed up with the 
late favors he had received from the Vice-king, and with 
the hopes he had in a short time to disengage himself 
from that place, became more rude and insolent towards 
the Inca than he had formerly been; treating him with 
the same terms that he did those poor Indians who were 



24 Compare with the following from Calancha: Coronica Moralizada. 1638. Tomo 
I, p, 793: "Tratd de pazes el Virrey Blasco Nunez Vela valiendose de medios pruden- 
ciales, i de promesas, con seguros de rentas i seno-rios. Enbio el Inga a que las asentase 
a un soldado de los q se huyeron de la carcel del Cuzco, llamado Gomez Perez. Assen-td 
la paz, i fue una de las codiciones, que perdonase el Rey a los Espafioles delin-quentes, 
que tenia en Vilcabanba fugitivos " 



17 

his servants and slaves. At length Gomez Perez be- 
came so intolerably insolent, that, playing one day with 
the Inca, he so affronted him, that, being no longer able 
to endure his rudeness, he punched him on the breast, 
and bid him to consider with whom he talked. Perez, 
not considering in his heat and passion either his own 
safety or the safety of his Companions, lifted up his 
hand, and with the Bowl struck the Inca so violently 
on the head, that he knocked him down : 25 The Indians 
hereupon, being enraged by the death of their Prince, 
joined together against Gomez and the Spaniards, who 
fled into a house, and with their Swords in their hands 
defended the door, the Indians set fire to the house, which 
being too hot for them, they sallied out into the Market- 
place, where the Indians assaulted them and shot them 
with their Arrows untill they had killed every man of 
them: and then afterwards, out of mere rage and fury 
they designed either to eat them raw as their custome was, 
or to burn them and cast their ashes into the river, that 
no sign or appearance might remain of them; but at 
length, after some consultation, they agreed to cast 
their bodies into the open fields, to be devoured by Vul- 
ters and birds of the air, which they supposed to be the 
highest indignity and dishonour that they could show 
to their Corps. 

"This was the fate and unhappy destiny of the poor 
Prince Manco Inca, to perish by the hands of one whom 
he had protected, and nourished and entertained with 
all the hospitality he could show: thus we see, when a 
man's time is come, that neither his voluntary exile, nor 
the inaccessible rocks to which he was fled for refuge, were 



25 For another account of the death of Manco, suggesting that the game was chess, and 
not bowls, see: Coleccion de documentos inMitos del Archivo de Indias, Vol. VIII, page 
264, where the anonymous author of "De virreyes y gobernadores del Peru. Virrey D. 
Francisco de Toledo," says: "... El Inga estaba muy aespanolado, y sabia los juegos 
que los espanoles jugaban, que entonces eran bolos, tablas y el agedrez. Y estando un 
dia juugado con el capitan Diego Mendez, tuvieron sobre el juego, que unos decian, era 
el agedrez, otros los bolos, diferencia, de manera, que con colera y poco entendimiento 
y menos reportacion, dijo el huSsped al Inga y senor: " Miren el perro! " Y el Inga alzo 
la mano y diole un bofeton. El capitan meti6 mano de una daga y diole de pufialadas, 
de que luego muri6. . . " 



18 

able to defend him from the stroke of a rash fool and 
mad-man, who was destitute of all sense and reason. . . 
I have informed myself very perfectly from those Incas, 
who were present and eye-witnesses of the unparalleled 
piece of madness of that rash and hair-brained fool; 
and heard them tell this story to my Mother and Parents 
with tears in their eyes. . . . " 26 

This unfortunate event, which seems to have occurred 
about 1545, brought to an abrupt close the reign of this 
most attractive and vigorous personality. 

The Inca Manco left three young sons, Sayri Tupac, 
Titu Yupanqui, and Tupac Amaru. 27 Sayri Tupac 
became Inca in his father's stead, and with the aid of 
regents, reigned in Vitcos for ten years without disturb- 
ing his Spanish neighbors or being annoyed by them. 
We know little of what happened in Vitcos during this 
decade. 

In 1555 a new viceroy, Don Andres Hurtado de Men- 
doza, Marquis of Canete, came to Lima. 28 He decided 
that it would be safer if he could have the young Inca 
within reach instead of living in the inaccessible wilds 
of Vilcabamba. It was a difficult matter. The viceroy 
very wisely undertook to accomplish it through the 
princess Beatrix Coya, an aunt of the Inca who was living 
in Cuzco and who might be expected to be glad to see 
her nephew in that city, even though she could not expect 
that he would be restored to his empire. She took kindly 
to the viceroy's suggestion and dispatched to Vitcos 
a messenger who was of the blood royal, attended by 
Indian servants. He had great difficulty in his journey, 
for he met with bad bridges and hilly roads. Finally 
he arrived where were the guards on the frontiers and 
gave them notice of the official message which he had 
for the Inca. Then there was held a meeting of the 



26 "The Royal Commentaries of Peru, in two parts. . . written originally in Spanish, 
by the Inea Garcilasso de la Vega, and rendered into English, by Sir Paul Rycaut. Lon- 
don: 1688. Part II. Chap. VI. p. 673. 

27 Markham: "incas of Peru." p. 259. 

28 Markham: " Incas of Peru." p. 273. 



19 

Captains and Regents who as Tutors ruled the young 
Inca who had not at that time reached the age when he 
could assume the Red Fringe " which is their royal 
crown. " 29 

The regents, on receiving this courteous message and 
cordial invitation were not inclined to believe that it 
was quite so attractive as appeared on the surface, 
even though it was brought to them by a kinsman. 
Accordingly they kept the ambassadors as hostages and 
sent a messenger of their own to Cuzco to see if he could 
discover any foul play, and also to request that one John 
Sierra, a trusted cousin, be sent to treat in this matter. 

All this took time, and the viceroy, becoming im- 
patient, despatched from Lima a Dominican friar, named 
Melchior de los Reyes, and with him a citizen of Cuzco, 
named John Betanzos, who had married an Inca prin- 
cess, the daughter of the unfortunate Atahualpa. This 
John Betanzos pretended to be very learned in his wife's 
language, and for this reason, and because he was related 
to the Inca, he started off quite confidently for Vitcos. 
After leaving Lima they did not go via Cuzco, but turned 
aside near Ayacucho, as that was the nearest of any of 
the entrances to Vitcos. 30 But apparently the Inca's 
generals, fearing lest the Spaniards should use this road 
to make a sudden attack, had destroyed the bridges 
across the Apurimac and made it impossible for anyone 
to reach Vitcos that way. Betanzos tried another route 
by a road leading from the town of Andahuaylas, but 
here also was disappointed, and finally had to go to 
Cuzco. His zeal was not appreciated by the governor 
of Cuzco, who feared it might interfere with the success 
of the measures which he himself had undertaken in 
order to carry out the wishes of the viceroy. According- 
ly the governor requested Friar Melchior and John 
Betanzos to wait and go with John Sierra, whose presence 
had been requested by the Inca. This was agreed upon, 



" Garcilasso: Hist. Gen. Madrid: 1772. (p. 474.) 

30 Garcilasso de la Vega: Hist. Gen. Madrid: 1722. p. 474. 



20 



but they got restless in Cuzco and left the city, promising 
to wait for the embassy on the road. Their real purpose, 
however, was to secure the honor of being the first 
ambassadors to reach the Inca, and they travelled as 
fast as they could to the Chuqui-chaca bridge, which is 
the key to Vilcabamba on the east side. Here they 
were detained by the Inca's soldiers. 

A day or so later John Sierra, accompanied by the 
messenger sent by the Inca to Cuzco, arrived at the 
bridge and was allowed to proceed, while the friar and 
Betanzos were still detained. John Sierra was welcomed 
by the Inca and his friends, and did his best to encourage 
Sayri Tupac to accept the viceroy's offer. After he had 
delivered the message, Betanzos and the friar were also 
sent for, and admitted to the presence of the Inca. They 
brought with them several pieces of velvet and damask, 
and two cups of silver gilded, together with other presents 
which the viceroy supposed the Inca would be glad to 
have. The Inca's first decision was that he would have 
nothing to do with the viceroy, but remain free and in- 
dependent of him as he had hitherto done, and he gave 
orders that the ambassadors should immediately return 
with their letters and presents. 

A few days later, however, he sent for John Sierra, 
and after a personal conversation with him, seemed well 
satisfied, and, after some hesitation, decided to leave the 
matter to the consideration of his regents. They appear 
to have had a long debate, although they did not detain 
the friar or John Sierra, but sent them back by one of 
the western approaches, by which they had tried in 
vain to reach Vitcos. The captains and tutors of the 
Inca examined the omens, observed the flying of birds, 
and the nature of the weather, but, according to Gar- 
cilasso, 31 made no inquiries of the devil, because he lost 
the power of speech in all Peru as soon " as the sacraments 
of our Holy Mother, the Church of Rome, entered the 
country. " 



31 Garcilasso de la Vega: Hist. Gen. p. 477. 



21 

The omens were favorable, and the regents finally 
decided to allow Sayri Tupac to accept the invitation 
of the viceroy and live under Spanish protection, espe- 
cially as the Inca was very anxious himself to leave the 
fastnesses of Vilcabamba and see something of the 
world. He went directly to Lima, by one of the western 
routes, travelling in a litter made of rich materials, and 
carried by relays chosen from three hundred Indians 
who attended him and whom he brought with him from 
Vilcabamba. He was kindly received by the viceroy, 
then went back to Cuzco, enjoying quite a triumph 
on the way. 

A pleasant incident of his Cuzco visit is given by Gar- 
cilasso in the following words: 

"The Prince having passed Huamanca, by easie Jour- 
nies came at length to Cozco, and lodged in the House 
of his Aunt Donna Beatriq, which was on the back side 
of my Fathers dwelling, to which place all those of the 
Royal Blood, both men and women resorted to welcome 
him to the Imperial City: and I my self went in the 
name of my Father, to ask leave that he might personally 
come and pay his respects to him; I found him then 
playing at a certain game used amongst the Indians, of 
which I have given an account in the first part of these 
Commentaries; I kissed his hands, and delivered my 
Message; he commanded me to sit down, and presently 
they brought two guilded cups of that Liquor, made of 
Mayz, [i. e. chicha] which scarce contained four ounces 
of Drink; he took them both, and with his own Hand 
he gave one of them to me; he drank, and I pledged him; 
which as we have said, is the custom of Civility amongst 
them. This Ceremony being past, he asked me, Why 
I did not meet him at Villcapampa? I answered him, 
Inca, as I am but a Youngman, the Governours make 
no account of me, to place me in such Ceremonies as 
these. How, replied the Inca, I would rather have seen 
you than all the Friers and Fathers in Town, though 
it were the Father in the Frock, or he in the Surplice; 
and tell my Aunt, That I kiss her Hands, and that she 



22 

should not come hither, for I will wait upon her my self, 
and re Joyce at our happy meeting. 

"In this manner, he entertained me a great while, 
making many enquiries of my condition, and how I 
spent my time; and taking my leave of him, he desired 
me often to visit him. As I was going away, I made 
him a submissive bow and reverence, after the manner 
of the Indians, who are of his Alliance and Kindred, at 
which he was so much pleased, that he embraced me 
heartily, and with much affection, as appeared by his 
Countenance. " 32 

Sayri Tupac now received the sacred Red Fringe of 
Sovereignty, was married to a princess of the blood 
royal, joined her in baptism, and then took up his abode 
in the lovely valley of Yucay, a day's journey north- 
east of Cuzco. Apparently he never returned to Vitcos. 
He died three years later, in 1650, leaving two brothers; 
the older, Titu Cusi Yupanqui, illegitimate, and the 
younger, Tupac Amaru, his rightful successor, an inex- 
perienced youth. 

The power was seized by Titu Cusi, the older brother, 
who set up his court in Vilcabamba, probably at Vitcos. 
He and his brother seem to have been suspicious of the 
untimely death of Sayri Tupac, and to have felt that the 
Spaniards were capable of more foul play. So they 
stayed quietly in Vilcabamba. Their first visitor, so 
far as we know, was Diego Rodriguez de Figueroa, 
whose story is told by Richard Pietschmann, in his 
pamphlet entitled: "Bericht des Diego Rodriguez de 
Figueroa, liber seine Verhandlungen mit dem Inka Titu 
Cusi Yupanqui in den Anden von Villcapampa, " 
published in Gottingen in 1910. . (43 pages.) The 
next appears to have been an Augustinian missionary. 
Father Calancha writing a few years later gives the 
following description of their kingdom and its first 
missionary : 

" Vilcabamba and its forested mountains runs due 
north of Cuzco for more than fifty leagues, and extends 

32 Garcilasso de la Vega: Royal Commentaries. . . rendered into English by Sir Paul 
Rycaut. London: 1688. p. 998. 



23 

to the East and Southeast for fourteen degrees of longi- 
tude. It lies east of Lima. 33 

" It is a hot zone, mountainous and forested, although 
it has parts that are very cold and some barren uplands 
[punas.] It has silver bearing hills, from which even 
today some ore is taken, and considerable gold, of 
which in those days much was gathered. . . " 34 

"In the valley of Vilcabamba a town was afterwards 
founded, which today is called San Francisco de la 
Vitoria en Andesuyo, 35 in the Cordillera more than 
twenty leagues from Cuzco by the eastern route. This 
district is rough, and its forested mountains are mag- 
nificent. It is a land of moderate wealth, large rivers, 
and the usual rains. Into these mountains and forests 
came Father Marcos Garcia in the year 1566. He had 
been Vicar and Priest of the town and valley of Capinota 
during three preceding years, and from the success that 
he had among those infidels flamed up his desire to seek 
souls where no preacher had been, and where the preach- 
ing of the faith had not been heard. He belonged to a 
monastery in Cuzco, and announced his sacred impulse 
to the worthy brother Iuan de Vivero, who was Prior 
and Inspector of those districts. The latter realized 
his desire had the merit of obedience, and so, giving 
him ornaments, and what was necessary for his journey, 
sent him to the conversion of those infidels. His en- 
trance cost him much labor, because as I have said, the 
Inca had cut the bridges, blocked up the passes, and 
destroyed the roads. Father Marcos entered Vilca- 
bamba without other arms than the sinews of obedience 
and the spirit that a good zeal gives, taking as an escort 
in the face of such open enemies the desire to suffer for 
Christ, and the confidence of His Divine support. The 
Spaniards had not entered on the conquest of that 
country, and would not do so for three years. When 
he encountered an Indian who was going to or coming 



33 Calancha: 


Coronica Moralizada. 


Barcelona: 


1638. 


p. 793 


34 Calancha: 


Coronica Moralizada. 


Barcelona: 


1638. 


p. 794 


35 Antisuyu. 











24 

from Vilcabamba, and asked him about the road, pass, 
or ford by which he might go where the Inca was, either 
they told him that they did not know (for thus their 
king had instructed them), or they piled up the impossi- 
bilities and difficulties of the road, and gave him no 
hope whatsoever, unless he should be able to change 
himself into a bird. . ." 

" After various difficulties, he arrived in the presence 
of the Inca, who received him angrily, being quite as 
much annoyed at seeing that Spaniards could enter his 
retreat, as at seeing among his towns a missionary preach- 
ing against his idolatries. Father Marcos was success- 
ful, however, in being able to carry out his desire, and 
has freedom to preach. Therefore he came out openly 
and displayed the standard of the faith. He built a 
church, two long days journey from Vilcabamba, in 
Puquiura, a town in which the Inca had his court and 
armies, this being the first temple. He planted crosses 
in the fields and on the mountains, these being the best 
things to frighten off devils. The temple was the sole 
bulwark of the faith. Here the Blessed Sacrament 
(may it be forever praised) gave battle against an idol- 
atrous king, surrounded by infidel armies, although it 
had only one soldier, poor, broken, and humble. It is 
difficult to believe how much this monk suffered. He 
had for adversaries legions of devils, who roared men- 
aces at the priests, at their servants, and even at travel- 
lers, for having allowed the friar to build the chapel 
and to preach against their ancestral rites and ancient 
gods. Their chief divinity they call Punchao, i. e., 
the Day." 36 

36 Calancha: Coronica Moralizada. Barcelona: 1638. pp. 793-794. (The text 
reads as follows); 

"Esta Vilca-baba, i sus montafias norte sur del Cuzco mas de cinquenta leguas en 
cator-ze grados, estendiendose al Oriente, i a los lados de lessueste, i cae a leste de Lima. 

"Es tierra caliente de Andes i montuosa, aunque tiene partes muy Mas, i punas desten- 
pladas. Tiene cerros de plata, de que asta oy se saca alguna cantidad, i cria oro, de que 
en aquellos tienpos se cogia mucho. Su rio es uno de los que dan cuerpo al gran rio del 
Marafion, que desagua en el mar del Norte, i teniendo alii los pies (pues es lo ultimo) le 
lla-man boca del Marafion, que tiene de un labio a otro, i desta a otra orilla mas de cin- 
queta leguas, segun la relacio de mu-chos, i corre desbocado c5 tener tangran boca. En 
el valle de Vilcabanba se fun-do despues el pueblo, que oy se llama san Francisco de la 



25 

The principal shrine of the Inca, the holiest place near 
Vitcos, is described as follows. (I give a free transla- 
tion from Calancha's Chronicle:) 

" Close to Vitcos, in a village called Chuquipalpa, is a 
House of the Sun, and in it a white stone over a spring 
of water 37 where the Devil appears as a visible manifes- 
tation and was worshipped by those idolators. This 
was the principal mochadero of those forested mountains. 
(The word "mochadero" is the common name which the 
Indians apply to their places of worship.) In other 
words it is the only place where they practise the cere- 
mony of kissing. The origin of this, the principal part 
of their ceremonial, is that very practise which Job 
abominates when he solemnly clears himself of all offen- 

Vitoria en Andeeuyo entre la Cordillera de los Andes mas de veynte leguas del Cuzco a la 
parte del Oriente, es su comarca aspera i grandes sus montafias, es tierra de moderado 
re-galo, grandes rios, i casi ordinarias llu-vias. A estos Andes i montafias entrd el Padre 
fray Marcos Garcia por el afio de 1566. aviendo sido Vicario i Dotrinan-te del pueblo i 
valle de Capinota los tres afios antecedentes, i del fruto que izo en aquellos infieles, en- 
cendio los de-seos de buscar animas dode ningun pre-dicador uviese entrado, ni el pregon 
de la F£ se uviese oido. Era conventual en el Cuzco, i comunicando su santo in-pulso 
con el memorable Padre fray Iuan de Bivero, que era Prior i Visitador de aquellas comar- 
cas le realco el deseo con el merito de la Obediencia, i dan-dole ornamentos, i lo preciso 
para el via-ge, lo enbio a la conversion de aquellos infieles. Padecio trabajos en la en- 
trada, porque como se dijo, avia el Inga corta-do puentes, desbarracado pasos, i anega 
do caminos. Entrd el Padre fray Mar-cos sin mas armas, que los brios que da la Obedi- 
encia, i con los animos que da el buen zelo, llevando por escolta a vista de tan declarados 
enemigos el deseo de padecer por Cristo, i la confianca de sus Divinos socorros. No avian 
entrado Es-pafioles a la conquista de aquella tierra, ni entraron en aquellos tres anos. 
Qua-do encontrava algun Indio que iva o venia de Vilcabanba, i le preguntava por el 
camino, paso o vado para ir a-donde estava el Inga, o le decian, que lo ignoravan (que 
asi los tenia industria-dos su Rey) o le ponderavan inposibles, i dificultades, no dejandole 
esperanca umana, sino se convertia en pajaro. Quantas vezes diria lo que David, vien- 
dose en estrecho semejante, si yo confio en Dios, como me decis, que si quiero pasar de 
una parte a otra, que me convierta en pajaro i buele de un mon-te a otro, como que la 
caridad no tuvie-ra mas ligeras alas que la ave mas ve-Ioz? Llego despues de varios 
trabajos a la presencia del Inga, que lo recibio eno-jado, sintiendo tanto el ver que podian 
entrar Espafioles a sus retiros, como ver predicador contra sus idolatrias en sus pueblos. 
Fuele ganando lo volutad el Pa-dre fray Marcos, i tuvo licencia para pre-dicar, con que soltd 
la capa, i desplego el estandarte de la Fe. Edified Iglesia dos jornadas largas de Vilcabanba 
en Pu-quiura, pueblo en que el Rey Inga tenia su Corte i sus egercitos, siendo este el 
primer tenplo. Planto Cruzes en la tier-ra i en los montes, siendo ellas las que ahuyentan 
Demonios, i aquel Tenplo el baluarte de la F&, donde peleava el santisimo Sacramento 
(que sea alabado por sienpre) contra un Rey idolatra, cercado de egercitos infieles, ten- 
iendo solo un soldado pobre, roto i umilde. Quanto padeceria este Religioso te-niendo 
por contrarios legiones de De-monios que bramavan amenacando a e-chizeros, a sus 
paniaguados i a otros via-dantes por aver consentido al frayle el Tenplo, i que se predicase 
contra sus pa-ternos ritos i antiguos Diosea? El Dios principal que adoravan era el 

Punchao, que es el dia " 

37 The italics are mine. 



26 

ces before God and says to Him: "Lord, all these pun- 
ishments and even greater burdens would I have deserved 
had I done that which the blind Gentiles do when the 
sun rises resplendent or the moon shines clear and they 
exult in their hearts and extend their hands towards 
the sun and throw kisses to it, an act of very grave 
iniquity which is equivalent to denying the true God. " 38 

Thus does Father Calancha refer to the practice in 
Vilcabamba and elsewhere in Peru of that particular 
form of worship of the heavenly bodies, so widely spread 
in the East, in Arabia and Palestine, which was inveighed 
against by Mohammed as well as the ancient Hebrew 
prophets. Apparently it was practised here in the House 
of the Sun, in Chuquipalpa close to Vitcos in the reign 
of the Inca Titu Cusi Yupanqui. 

Calancha goes on to say: "This (ceremony, the 
throwing of kisses to the sun), is among the Indians the 
outward action in which they show the delicacy [or 
the finest part] of the Gentile worship, and is the cere- 
mony of the most profound resignation and reverence. 
And so it is that the places where they go to worship 
and to throw kisses to their Idol are called mochaderos. " 39 

It may be interesting to note in passing that the Inca 
word for kiss is mucha, while muchani means to kiss the 
hands. 40 41 

88 Calancha: Coronica Moralizada. Barcelona: 1638. p. 796. (The text reads 
as follows) : 

"Iunto a Vitcos, en un pueblo que se di-ce Chuquipalpa estava una casa del Sol, i en 
ella una piedra blanca encima de un manantial de agua, donde el Demonio se aparecia 
visible, i era adorado de a-quellos idolatras, siendo el principal mo-chadero de aquellas 
montafias (la palabra mochadero es el nonbre vulgar con que los Indios nonbran a sus 
adoratorios) quiere decir lo mismo, que lugar donde besan, originase de que la ceremonia 
principal que usan, es la que abomina lob a, quando se pone a quentas c5 Dios, i le dice: 
Senor, todos estos castigos, i ma-yores trabajos mereciera yo, si uviera echo lo que azen 
los ciegos Getiles, qua-do sale el sol resplandeciente, i la luna clara, i alegrandoseles el 
coracon estien-den la mano azia el sol, i la buelven a la boca besandola, que es iniquidad 
muy grande, i negar a Dios verdadero. " 

39 Calancha: Coronica Moralizada: p. 796. (The text reads): 

"Esta es en los Indios la accion exterior con que muestran lo fino de su adoracion 
Gentilica, i es la ceremonia de mas pro-funda sumision i culto; i asi los luga-res donde van 
a adorar, i a estender la mano azia el Idolo besandola, se lla-man mochaderos. " 

40 See: Holguin, D. G. "Arte y diccionario Qquechua-Espanol. " Lima: 1901. 

41 For other references to this custom see: Markham, Sir Clements R. "Narra- 
tives of the rites and laws of the Yncas. " London: 1873. pp. 37, 43, 44, 83, 89, 90, 
114, and 115. 



27 

Father Calancha continues: "In this white stone of 
the aforesaid House of the Sun, which is called Yurac 
rumi [meaning in Quichua, a white rock], there attends 
a Devil who is Captain of a legion. He and his legion- 
aries show great kindness to the Indian idolators but 
great terrors to the Catholics. They abuse with hideous 
cruelties the baptized ones who now no longer worship 
them with kisses, and many of the Indians have died 
from the horrible frights these devils have given them. " 42 

" Father Marcos suffered many insults at the hands 
of the chiefs and principal followers of the Inca. Some 
of them did it to please the Devil, others to flatter the 
Inca, and many because they disliked his sermons, in 
which he scolded them for their vices and abominated 
among his converts the possession of four or six wives. 
So they punished him in the matter of food, and forced 
him to send to Cuzco for victuals. The Convent sent 
him hard-tack, which was for him a most delicious 
banquet." 43 

" During the rule of the Licenciate Lope Garcia de 
Castro, (1564-1569), another Augustinian missionary, 
Fray Diego Ortiz, left Cuzco alone for Vilcabamba. 
He suffered much on the road, not so much on account 
of the distance, for it is only a little more than ten leagues 
from Cuzco to the frontier of Vilcabamba, as on account 
of having to hunt for a practical route. He had no 
guides to tell him how to enter these forested mountain 
fastnesses. There were no bridges, and the fords were 
constantly shifting. However, he reached the retreat 



42 Calancha: Coronica Moralizada. Barcelona: 1638, p. 796. (The text reads as 
follows): "En esta piedra blan-ca de aquella casa del sol llamada Yu-racrumi asistia 
un Demonio capitan de una legion; este i su caterva mostravan grandes carifios a los 
Indios idolatras, i grandes asombros a los Catolicos, u-sava con los bautizados, que ya 
no le mochavan, espantosas crueldades, i mu-chos mo rian de los espantos orribles que les 
mostrava " 

4S Calancha: Coronica Moralizada. Barcelona: 1638. p. 797. (The text reads): 
" Muchos baldones sufria el Padre fray Marcos, ya le perseguian muchos de los Caziques 
i principales, unos por adu-lar al Demonio, otros por agradar al In-ga, i gran parte por 
aborrecer sus sermones, en que repreendia sus vicios i abo-minava en los bautizados el 
tener qua-tro i seys mugeres; castigavanle en la comida, i fuele necesario enbiar al Cuz-co 
por alimentos, de donde el Conven-to le enbiava biscocho, que era su ma-yor banquete. " 



28 

of the Inca, and entered his presence in company with 
Fray Marcos. Although the Inca was not too happy to 
see a new preacher, he was willing to grant him an en- 
trance because the Inca knew Fray Marcos had become 
discontented, and wanted to return to Cuzco. Further- 
more, he thought Fray Diego would not vex him nor 
take the trouble to reprove him. So the Inca gave him 
a license. They selected the town of Huarancalla, 
which was populous and well located in the midst of a 
number of other little towns and villages. There was a 
distance of two or three days journey from one Convent 
to the other. Leaving Fray Marcos in Puquiura, Fray 
Diego went to his new establishment, and in a short time 
built a church, a house for himself, and a hospital — 
all poor buildings, which the Indians, out of love and 
affection, made in a short time. He also started a school 
for children, and became very popular through his physi- 
cal and spiritual ministrations as he went about heal- 
ing and teaching. 44 



44 Calancha: Coronica Moralizada. Barcelona: 1638. p. 801. (The text reads): 
"Salio del Cuzco para Vilcabanba sien-do Provincial el Padre maestro fray Iuan de 
san Pedro, i governando el Peru el Licenciado Lope Garcia de Dastro del Consejo Real 
de las Indias, el bendito fr. Diego Ortiz solo, aunque aconpafiado de ardiente caridad, que 
ella sola es un egercito copioso, i al subit montes, i pa-sar laderas dirian lo que de la Esposa 
(q todo es uno esposa de Dios i anima san-ta) los Angeles que caminando sola le cuetan 
ileras de soldados, tercios de conpanias i mangas de egercitos. Si va sola, donde lleva 
tanta gente? Es que ese egercito esta formado en la canpafia de la caridad, i alii estan 
viendo los An-geles que cada deseo es un soldado, i ven las a animes q a de rendir i traer 
a Dios, que como si ya estuvieran vencidas, i Dios las tuviera debajo de su bandera a-lista- 
das, asi se las cuentan ya por solda-dos de su conpania, i por oficiales de su egercito, que 
la caridad a solas tiene por soldados a los deseos que lleva, i a los que a de convertir antes 
que los convier-ta, que tan adelantados tiene la caridad i el deseo de ganar animas los 
precios i los socorros. Despues de aver padecido mucho el Padre fray Diego en los ca- 
minos, no tanto por las leguas i distancia, pues desde el Cuzco asta las prime-ras tierras 
de Vilcabanba ay poco mas de diez leguas, quanto por aver de bus-car rodeos, i no taner 
guias para entrar en las montafias, por estar (como se a di-cho) los rios sin puentes, i 
mudarse con cada avenida los vados. Entro en los retiros del Inga, i en conpania del 
Padre fray Marcos fue a du presencia, i si no se alegro mucho de ver al nuevo Predica-dor, 
gusto de su entrada porque sabia que el Padre fray Marcos andava des-contento, i deseava 
bolverse al Cuzco, i pensaria que el Padre fray Diego por no enojarle, no trataria de re- 
preen-derle. 

"Diole la licencia el In-ga, mostrando plazer de acudir a su rue-go, i escogio el pueblo 
de Guarancalla, que era populoso, i tenia estelage conpe-tsnte para acudir a otros puebluez- 
uelos i reducciones, en cuyo medio estava Gua-rancalla: dos o tres jornadas avia de di- 
stancia del un Convento al otro, i que-dandose el Padre fr. Marcos en Puquiu-ra, paso 
a su fundacion el bendito fr. Diego, i en breve tienpo edified Iglesia, izo abitacion, i dis- 
puso ospital, todo de edi-ficios pobres, que los Indios conaamor i armiento acabaron en 



29 

Father Marcos had a harder time in Puquiura, which 
seems to have been nearer the center of the Inca cult. 45 

Fray Marcos and Fray Diego had many exciting ad- 
ventures which we cannot follow here. Things came 
to a crisis over the worship of the devil who gave mani- 
festations at the spring over which was the white rock 
at the House of the Sun in Chuquipalpa. The two 
priests in imitation of the prophet Elias, sent for all the 
Indians, inviting them to gather in Pucyura in the 
church or the neighboring plaza, and asking all to bring 
a stick of firewood, in order that they might all march 
to burn up the Devil who had tormented and afflicted 
them. A large crowd, (Calancha says "an innumerable 
multitude") , came together on the day appointed. 
The Catholic Indians were most anxious to get even with 
this Devil who had slain their friends and inflicted 
wounds on themselves. The doubters, or those luke- 
warm in the Faith, were curious to see the result of the 
fire, and the Inca priests came also to see the conflict 
between their god and the Christians'; while, as may 
readily be imagined, nearly all the rest of the population 
came to see the excitement. 46 



poco tienpo, fue estacando la tierra con altas cruzes, i por los montes i adoratorios fue 
plantando destos arboles sacrosantos, arrancando Idolos. Bramavan los echizeros, pero 
se-stejavan los demas Indios sus acciones, porque le amavan tiernamente, obliga-dos, no 
tanto de las virtudes que en el co-nocian, como de los continuos benefi-cios con que los 
ganava, curavalos, ves-tialos, i ensefiavalos. Iunto cantidad de nifios, i izose su maestro 
de escuela, multiplicandose el numero cada dia, i pidien-do el bautismo muchos de todos 
sexos i edades; gloriosamente crecid la Cristian-dad en pocos meses, sacando el bendito 
fray Diego Indios de las grutas de aquellas montanas, atrayendolos con caricias, sobor- 

nandolos con ruegos, i conservan-dolos con beneficios " 

^Calancha: Coronica Moralizada Barcelona: 1638. p. 802. (The text reads): 
"En los aumentos de su Iglesia se ocu-pava el Padre fray Diego querido de todos, i en 
Puquiura padecia persecuciones el Padre fray Marcos, porque con denue-do Catolico 
repreendia algunas supersti-ciones en los Indios principales, i accio-nes Gentilecas en el 
Inga, cargado la ma-no en la disolucion de las borracheras en que esta la causa de todas 
las desdichas de los Indios; ellas los despefian a inces-tos, sodomias i omicidios, i rara 
es la bor-rachera en que no aya mesela de ritos Getilicos, i muchas vezes asiste el Demo- 
nio visible, i disimulado en figura de In-dio. O quato deve de irritar a Dios el des-cuydo, 
i remision que los dotrinantes tie-nen en no destruir con rigor estas borra-cheras! pues 
siendo accion publica, no tie-nen los ministros disculpa, como las pue-den tener en los 
vicios ocultos. . . . " 

46 Calancha: Coronica Moralizada: Barcelona: 1638. p. 807. (The text reads): 

"Los dos Religiosos mandaron a imitacion de Elias, juntar a todos los In-dios de aquel 

pueblo, i a todos los q es-tavan en Puquiura advenedizos, publica-do a voz de pregonero, 

que todos se jun-tasen tal dia en la Iglesia i placa, i cada Indio o India, viejo o nino, 



30 

Starting out from Pucyura they soon arrived at the 
Temple of the Sun, in the village of Chuquipalpa, close 
to Vitcos. Here, as has been said before, there was a 
white rock over a spring of water where the devil at 
various times had shown himself. The Indians wor- 
shipped the water, says Calancha, as a divine thing. 
This devil had the reputation of being the most cruel of 
all. He often killed or wounded his worshippers with 
horrible roars. Naturally he was feared by all, and his 
worshippers came from far to offer him gifts and sac- 
rifices. They even came from the most secluded villages 
in the mountains. Arriving at the sacred palisade, the 
monks raised the standard of the cross, recited their 
orisons, surrounded the rock and the Temple of the Sun, 
and placed the firewood all about it. Then, having 
exorcised the locality, and defied the Idol, they called 
the Devil by all the vile names they could think of to 
show their lack of respect, and finally commanded him 
never to return to this place or this vicinity. Then, 
calling on Christ and the Virgin, they applied fire to 
the wood, crying : "Now we shall see what a mocker 
is he who has been doing this harm, and that there is no 
other God than our God." The poor Devil then fled 
roaring in a fury, and making the mountains to tremble. 
They burnt the temple and the rock, and made a great 
impression on the Indians. Their followers returned 
rejoicing to Pucyura, and many others went away 
distraught. This story was told throughout the prov- 
ince, and the cruel Devil never more returned to the 
rock, nor to this district. 47 



trugese un palo de lefia, porq avian de ir a quemar al Demonio que los engafiava i afligia . 
Ya Dios les debia de aver asegurado a sus siervos, q mostraria lo que ellos le rogavan, 
pues con pregon i vando general lo previnieron. Fue inumerable la multitud que con- 
currio para el dia sefialado. Los Catolicos irian deseosos de ver castiga-do al Demonio, 
i locanearse de ser Cris-tianos, los que avian recebido muertes en los suyos, i golpes en sus 
cuerpos irian a la venganca, los tibios i dudosos en la Fe, a ver la resulta del incendio, los 
echize-ros a ver la pelea de su idolo i de Cristo, muy seguros de apellidar vitoria, i casi 
todos a ver la novedad, salieron los dos Religiosos, que en cada uno iva un Elias, llevando 
aquella multitud, para que viese la palestra, i fuesen testigos de la vitoria." 

47 Calancha: Coronica Moralizada. Barcelona: 1638. p. 808. (The text reads): 

"Mientras llegan, sepamos que este es el Idolo que dejamos dicho, que en el parage de 

Chuquipalpa junto a Vitcos, estava en la casa i tenplo del Sol, Demonio que dava respues- 



31 

Such a performance greatly annoyed the Inca. His 
mother in particular was highly indignant. As soon 
as they heard what had happened they went at once to 
Pucyura. The chiefs were angry enough to slay the 
friars at once, and tear them into small pieces. The 
Inca dared not touch Fray Diego Ortiz for his" minis- 
trations and his care of the sick had endeared him to 
the Indians. So he took it out on Fray Marcos, who 
was not so popular, and had him stoned out of the 
province, threatening to kill him if he should return. 48 

The Inca Titu Cusi became very fond of Fray Diego, 
and so did the savage Indians who came from the fever 
stricken jungles, from three to six hundred miles, bring- 
ing tribute to the Inca. 49 

tas en una piedra o pefia blanca, i varias vezes se mostrava visible. La piedra estava 
sobre un mafia-tial de agua, i veneravan el agua como a cosa divina. Era Demonio cruel- 
isimo, puea en dejando de adorarle algunos dias, los matava o eria, azia notables da-fios, 
i orribles asonbros, i asi era fcemido de todos, i le venian a ofrecer dadivas i sacrificios de 
lejas distancias, i de los pueblos mas retirados de las montafias. Llegaron al palenque 
nuestros Religio-sos, llevando por estandarte una Cruz, i aziendo oracion devota, i man- 
dando a todos rezasen las oraciones, con denue-do Cristiano, i confianga Catolica, rodea- 
ron la piedra i la casa del Sol poniendo lefia a todo; i aviendo exorcizado el sitio, i baldon- 
ado al Idolo, trataro infameme-te al Demonio, mandandole que nunca mas bolviese a I 
sitio, ni a la tierra: llama-do a Cristo i a la Virgen santisima, pega-ron fuego a la lefia, 
diciedo: Aora vereys quan burlador es el que os engafiava, i como no ay otro Dios que 
el q los Cris-tianos confiesan. Salio huyendo el Demonio bramando rabias, i estreme- 
ciendo montes: quemaron tenplo i piedra, i re-forcando su F6 los Catolicos, i confesan-do 
la de Cristo los idolatras, a vozes de-cian lo q digero los idolatras Iudios, quado el incendio 
de Elias; solo el Dios que predica Elias, es el verdadero Sefior. Bolvio la multitud alegre, 
i algu-nos confusos. Publicose el caso entoda la comarca, i nunca mas bolvio a la piedra, 
ni a la Provincia el Demonio cruel." 

"Calancha: Coronica Moralizada. Barcelona: 1638. pp. 808-809. (The text 
reads) : 

"Luego q supo el Inga i su muger el incendio del Idolo, i el des-tierro de su Dios, i 
oyendo los lametos q sus echizeros azia, por ver tan glorio-sos a los Cristianos, i tan 
baldonado el partido de su idolatria, se vinieron a toda priesa al pueblo de Puquiura; los 
Capitanes del Inga venian enfurecidos tratando matar a lancadas dos Reli-giosos, pareci- 
edoles que era poco despe-dacarlos. Llegaron al pueblo, i queriendo egecutar su rabia, 
dispuso Dios lo q mas devio de convenir, o porq algunos Cato-licos de su Cosejo les miti- 
garo, o porque el Inga i sus Capitanes temieron. Al fin salio de acuerdo q el P. F. Diego 
se fuese a su Iglesia de Guarancalla, i q sacasen de-sterrado al P. F. Marcos con pena, i 
ame-naca de que lo matarian si bolvia mas a la Provincia. Entraron con lancas los Capi- 
tanes del Inga, con cantidad de velleguines adonde estavan los siervos de Dios, i sacando 
al Padre fray Marcos, lo llevaron con afrentas i malos trata-mientos asta cerca de Oyara, 
leguas azia el Cuzco, i de alii le enbiaron desterrado " 

"Calancha: Coronica Moralizada. Barcelona: 1638. p. 809. (The text reads): 

"Venian Indios de la tierra detro a nego-cios con el Inga, i otros a traerle los tri-butos : 
enfermavan muchos por venir de sierras frias a montafias calidas, en parti-cular los Indios 
Manaries i los Pilcoso-nes, que de ciento i dozientas leguas ve-nian a sus despachos; con 
estos se singularizava con mayores finezas " 



32 

One day a Spaniard named Romero entered Vilca- 
bamba looking for gold, and got permission from the 
Inca to do some prospecting. He was too successful. 
The Inca feared his reports might encourage hordes of 
his undesirable countrymen to enter Vilcabamba, so the 
too lucky prospector was put to death. 50 

It is now time for us to return to Cuzco and take up 
the threads of the Spanish end of the story. 

Eleven years after the accession of Titu Cusi there 
arrived in Cuzco, in the year 1570, a new viceroy, the 
famous Francisco de Toledo, 51 described by a recent 
historian as an " indefatigable worker, but excessively 
narrow-minded, cruel, and pitiless." One of the first 
functions which he attended was the baptism, on Jan- 
uary 6, 1571, of a little Inca prince, 52 the son of one 
Carlos Inca, a cousin of the reigning Inca, Titu Cusi 
Yupanqui. This Carlos Inca was living in the palace 
of Colcampata, which occupies a sightly position half- 
way up the Sacsahuaman hill back of Cuzco. 

Ocampo says that the Inca Titu Cusi Yupanqui was 
also present at this ceremony, was impressed by the 
splendor of the Catholic ceremonial, and on returning 
to Vilcabamba requested that someone be sent to teach 
him the Christian religion. 53 

Ocampo says further that two Augustinian friars, 
Juan de Vivero and Diego Ortiz, were commissioned to 
enter the fastnesses of Vilcabamba. With them went 
several laymen. They reached Vitcos and found that 
the legitimate Inca, Tupac Amaru, was imprisoned 
"with the chosen virgins and their matrons in the House 
of the Sun." The ambassadors endeavored to persuade 
Titu Cusi Yupanqui, "with loving words and rich pres- 
ents, to leave that province of Vilcapampa and come to 
the city of Cuzco to offer obedience to his Majesty, and 

60 See Calancha: Coronica Moralizada: pp. 810-811. 

61 Garcilasso: Chap. XVI. (Rycaut's translation, pp. 1008-9.) 

52 Ocampo, Baltasar de. "Account of the Province of Vilcapampa, and a narrative 
of the execution of the Inca Tupac Amaru. . ." Trans, by Sir Clements R. Markham. 
London: 1907. p. 207. 

"Ocampo: p. 206-210. 



33 

to his Excellency in the royal name, as the said Inca had 
proposed to do through his envoys." Ocampo says 
he determined to comply, but, owing to a fit of obsti- 
nacy, he delayed his departure for some time, putting 
it off from one day to another. 54 

Ocampo also says that "the Inca, at his own request, 
had been baptized by the Father Friar Juan de Vivero 
in the said province of Vilcapampa, receiving the name 
of Don Felipe Titu Cusi Yupanqui. As a baptized 
Christian the Fathers said a mass every day. The 
chapel in which they performed these services was near 
my house and on my own land in the place called Pu- 
quiura, near the metal works of Don Cristoval de Albor- 
noz, formerly Precentor of the cathedral of Cuzco. " 55 56 

Garcilasso, 57 on the other hand, says that the viceroy 
Toledo had determined to try and get the Inca out of 
Vilcabamba to live near Cuzco. His version is as follows : 

"The intention of the Vice-King in this matter was 
sincere, and real, and with no other design, (than after 
the Example of his Predecessor, Don Andres Hurtado 
de Mendoca) to advance his own Honour and Reputa- 
tion, by an action so generous and heroick, as to reduce 
such a Prince to the Service of his Catholick Majesty, 
and to civilise him as it were, by calling him from the 
Barbarity of those mountains, where he lived like a 
Fugitive and a Salvage Person. To bring this Design 
about, the Vice-King acted according to the former 
methods, and sent Messengers to him, inviting him to 
come out of those Mountains and live amongst the 
Spaniards, since they were become one people with 
them; which offer, if he was disposed to accept, he assured 
him, that the King would bestow on him the same Live- 
lyhood and Support that he had formerly given to his 
Brother. " 



64 Ocampo, p. 213. 

55 Ocampo, p. 214. 

56 This version has been adopted by Sir Clements Markham. (See: "Incas of Peru," 
pp. 290-291), but it does not fit in at all with the story of the Augustinian missionaries 
in Vitcos, as given by Calancha. . 

57 Garcilasso: "Royal Commentaries," Chap. XVI, pp. 1008-9. 



34 

This version is vouched for by the contemporary 
account of Friar Gabriel de Oviedo, 58 who says that 
orders had been received by Toledo from Philip II, 
instructing him to arrange for the Inca to come forth 
in peace from the forests of the province of Vilcabamba. 
This seems more likely. 

Friar Gabriel says that on the 20th of July, 1571, the 
Viceroy sent for him to consult with him about what 
was the best way to get the Inca to come forth from the 
mountains of the province of Vilcabamba and live in 
peace. The Viceroy finally requested Friar Gabriel to 
undertake this embassy in person. They chose the 
Licenciate Garci Rios to go with him. They were given 
various letters and also a bull of dispensation granted 
by the Pope at the request of Philip II, enabling the son 
of Titu Cusi to marry his first cousin in accordance 
with Inca customs. With these documents and some 
others they left Cuzco on August 20th, and went by way 
of the Acobamba, [or Occobamba] river, beyond Ollan- 
taytambo. They were unable to cross the river as they 
had no canoes, and sent Indians as messengers, who were 
slain. They then went down on the river, apparently 
to its juncture with the Urubamba, waited there two 
days in the hopes of finding some means of crossing it; 
made fires at night to attract attention, but no one 
came to take them across. They saw no signs of any- 
body, so they returned to Cuzco, which they reached 
on the 18th of October. 59 

Garcilasso also says, (p. 1009): [the Inca's] " Kindred, 
and Subjects who were with him, affrighted him with 
the story of his Brother; telling him, That the Allowance 



58 Sarmientoa de Gamboa, Pedro. "History of the Incas. " Translated by Sir Clem- 
ents R. Markham. London: 1907. p. 401. 

59 This version is vouched for by Father Calancha, aee his Coronica Moralizada, p. 
831, as follows: 

"Deseando la paz enbio el Virrey al Padre Fray Ga-briel de Oviedo (que fue Cate- 
dratico en esta Real universidad de Lima) Do-minico, i al Licenciado Garci Rodriguez, 
y a otras onradas personas con In-dios principales del Cuzco; i llegando al rio de Aco- 
banba, le enbiaron enbajada al Inga con ocho Indios, dandole a enten-der a lo que venian; 
mataron a seys In-dios, huyeron los dos a dar la nueva al Padre Oviedo i a Garci Rodri- 
guez, que luego se bolvieron al Cuzco." 



35 

given him by the Spaniards was small and inconsider- 
able, and that the life of his Brother was afterwards very 
short, caused (as they would insinuate) by Poison, or 
some treacherous or suspicious manner of dealing; there- 
fore they advised the Inca by no means to move out 
of his Retirement, being more secure in his banishment, 
than in the faithless Hands of his Enemies." 

It must have been perfectly evident to Titu Cusi 
that it was far more amusing to be an independent 
sovereign in Vitcos than a puppet of the Spaniards in 
Yucay. 

Whichever version is adopted, all accounts agree 
that it was finally decided to send as ambassador a 
cavalier of Cuzco, named Tilano de Anaya, who was 
married to an Inca princess, and who had been Major- 
domo of the Inca in Cuzco. He was ordered to take the 
route "by the bridge near Ollantaytambo, where there 
was a way into the province." He had instructions 
not to wait at the bridge, but to push on and not stop 
until he had delivered his letters into the hands of the 
Inca. 60 

In the meantime the Inca Titu Cusi fell ill, apparently 
as the result of an intemperate jollification. He sent 
for Fray Diego, but all his skill was unavailing, and the 
remedies, of which there seem to have been a mixture 
of Indian and Spanish, proved fatal. At least so it 
appeared to the Inca's mother and the chiefs. As a 
result Fray Diego was put to death, and the young Inca 
Tupac Amaru had his brows decked with the Scarlet 
Fringe of Sovereignty. 61 All these things happened in 
and near Vitcos. 

When tidings came to Vitcos that people were coming 
from Cuzco to act as spies, seven captains went out along 
the road to that city. "One was named 'Puri Paucar. ' 
With him there was a native of the valley of Xauxa, 



60 A copy of Toledo's letter to Titucusi, sent by the hand of Tilano de Anaia, and dated 
16 Oct. 1571, is given on pp. 266-267 of " (Coleccion de documentos inSditos del Archivo 
de Indias," Madrid: 1867 Vol. 8.) 

61 Calancha: Coronica, p. 812, et seq. 



36 

a Huanca Indian of a very warlike tribe. I do not 
remember the names of the other five captains. They 
guarded the bridge of Chuqui-chaca, over the Vilcamayu 
river, which is the key to the province of Vilcapampa. " 62 

Tilano de Anaya, the messenger from the Viceroy 
was on his way to Vilcabamba with the Viceroy's letter 
to the late Inca. Tilano was preparing to spend the 
night at the bridge of Chuqui-chaca, when he was at- 
tacked and killed by the Inca warriors. When this news 
reached Cuzco a council of war was held and it was 
decided to despatch a warlike force to punish those who 
had killed not only the priest, but an ambassador from 
the Viceroy. 

Friar Gabriel says the Viceroy called a council on 
Palm Sunday, 1572, and it was resolved to make war on 
the Inca and give a reward to the man who should cap- 
ture him. 

Garcilasso gives a number of other reasons for this 
expedition. He says: 63 "It was the Opinion of the 
wise Counsellors of those times, That many Insurrec- 
tions might be raised in that Empire by this young 
Heir, being countenanced and assisted by the Incas his 
Kinsmen, who lived amongst the Spaniards, and by the 
Caciques his Subjects, and by those very men, who were 
born of Indian Mothers, though their Fathers were 
Spaniards; all which would joyn, and rejoice at a change; 
being willing to better their Fortunes, which were reduced 
to that mean degree, that most of them wanted even 
Bread to support the necessities of Humane Life. 

"Moreover it was alledged, That by the Imprisonment 
of the Inca, all that Treasure might be discovered, which 
appertained to former kings, together with that Chain 
of Gold, which Huayna Capac commanded to be made 
for himself to wear in the great and solemn days of their 
Festival, and especially on that day, when he gave a 
name to his eldest son Huascar, as hath been formerly 
related; all which, as was reported, the Indians con- 

62 Ocampo, p. 216. 

63 Rycaut's translation, p. 1009. 



37 

cealed. And in regard, that that Chain of Gold with 
the remaining Treasure belong'd to his Catholick 
Majesty by right of Conquest, it was Justice and Reason 
to take such courses as might retrieve those Riches which 
the Inca concealed, and had conveyed away from the 
true Proprietor; Besides all which, many other matters 
were alledged, which might incite the Vice-King to 
take the Inca Prisoner." 64 

"In the meantime," says Ocampo, "the legitimate 
Inca, Tupac Amaru, was there in the fortress of Pitcos, 
which is on a very high mountain, whence the view 
commanded a great part of the province of Vilcapampa. 
Here there was an extensive level space, with very 
sumptuous and majestic buildings, erected with great 
skill and art, all the lintels of the doors, as well the 
principal as the ordinary ones, being of marble, elabo- 
rately carved. " 65 

As Ocampo lived in Pucyura soon afterwards, his 
description of Vitcos may be regarded as faithful in its 
details, even though his account of the embassies is 
incorrect. 

There are various contemporary accounts of the expe- 
dition. 66 In general they agree that one company was 
sent by way of Limatambo to Curahuasi to head off 
the Inca in case he should wish to escape across the 
Apurimac. This road had frequently been used by 
the Inca Manco in his marauding expeditions. The 
other company marched from Cuzco via the valley of 
Yucay. They came to the Chuqui-chaca bridge. Says 
Ocampo: "Here they found Tupac Amaru Inca pre- 

64 This accords more closely with the official report: ". . . en la provincia de Vilca- 
bamba estaba rebelado y alzado contra el servicio de V. M. Cusitito Yupanqui Inga y 
Tupac-Amaru, con tanto escandalo y miedo de los robos y asaltos que hacian los indios 
de aquella provincia en los que iban a la ciudad del Cuzco, como se escribid a V. M. muchas 
veces, representando los dafios que causaba y lo que convenia que aquello se allanase, asi 
por esto como porque fuera una ladronera a donde se iban a recojer los delincuentes del 
reino y una cabeza de lobo; . . . " See: "Relaciones de los Virreyes y Audienciaa 
que han Goberando el Peru. ..." Tomo I. Memorial y Ordenanzas de D. Fran- 
cisco de Toledo. Lima: 1867. (p. 9.) 

65 Ocampo, p. 216. 

66 Most of them are printed in the " Juicio de Limites entre el Peru y Bolivia," Vol. 
7. Barcelona: 1906. 



38 

pared, having been taken out of the House of the Sun, 
with his camp formed. Our troops had an encounter 
with his people, though the river was between them. 
For with four shots from our small field guns, and the 
arquebuses of the soldiers, the Peruvians were routed, 
and were obliged to retreat to their camp. Our men 
then occupied the bridge, which was a measure of no 
small importance for the royal force. For the enemy 
did not remember to burn and destroy the said bridge. 
God permitted this, because of the great trouble the 
Spaniards would have had in making one over the very 
full river. Leaving some of our men to guard it, and 
to forward supplies to the front, the rest of the force 
continued the pursuit, the Inca and his people being 
routed and in flight. The road was narrow in the 
ascent, with forest on the right, and on the left a ravine 
of great depth." 67 

"Our troops could not advance in formation of squad- 
rons, but only two by two. The Captain Martin Garcia 
Onez de Loyola, who was in the vanguard, was advancing 
alone like a good and well-armed captain, when an Inca 
captain, named Hualpa, came out of the forest without 
being seen by anyone, and tackled our captain with such 
an embrace that he could not get at his arms, the object 
being to hurl him down the ravine. He would have 
been dashed to pieces, and hurled into the river, but 
an Indian servant of the captain, named Corillo, who 
is still alive, with property in the valley of Yucay, and 
who was then with him, drew Loyola's sword from the 
scabbard and, with much dexterity and animation, 
killed the Indian Hualpa, who was thus vanquished, 
and failed in his evil intent. To this day the place where 
this happened is called "the leap of Loyola." Continu- 
ing in pursuit of the enemy, many prisoners, both cap- 
tains and common people, were taken. Being pressed 
to say what road the Inca had taken, they replied that 
he had gone inland towards the valley of Simaponte; 
and that he was flying to the country of the Manaries 

67 Ocampo, p. 220. 



39 

Indians, a warlike tribe and his friends, where balsas 
and canoes were posted to save him and enable him to 
escape." 68 

Loyola's own story has been published in Volume VII 
of the documents prepared for the Boundary Com- 
mission judging the limits between Peru and Bolivia. 
He says that he found the Inca in the valley of Momori. 
This we were told was near Rosalina, on the Urubamba, 
not far from its junction with the Pampaconas. Loyola 
was neither deterred by the dangers of the jungle, nor 
the rapids in the river, and constructed five rafts on 
which he put some of his soldiers, and accompanying 
them himself, they went down the rapids, escaping death 
many times by swimming, until they arrived at the said 
place called Momori, only to find that the Inca, hearing 
of their intended arrival, had gone further into the 
woods. Nothing daunted, Loyola followed him up, 
although they had to go on foot and barefooted, with 
hardly anything to eat, most of their provisions having 
been lost in the river. They finally captured the Inca, 
and brought him back. 69 70 

Garcilasso's account is as follows: "The Prince 
Tupac Amaru having received intelligence, that some 
Forces were entered within his Jurisdiction, he presently 
fled twenty leagues within the Country down a River 
below the Mountain. The Spaniards instantly fitted 
themselves with Boats, and Floats, and therewith fol- 
lowed and pursued after him. The Prince considering 
that he had not People to make resistance, and that he 
was not conscious to himself of any Crime, or disturbance 
he had done or raised, suffered himself to be taken; 
chusing rather to entrust himself in the hands of the 
Spaniards, than to perish in those Mountains with 
Famine, or be drowned in those great Rivers, which fall 
and empty themselves into the River of Plate. Where- 



«s Ocampo, p. 221. 

49 Peru. Juicio de Limites entre el Peru y Bolivia. Vol. VII., pp. 4-5. 
70 See the account in Markham's "Incas of Peru," pp. 294-297; and in — Coleccion de 
documentos in6ditos del archivo de Indias, pp. 278-282, of Vol. 8. 



40 

fore he yielded himself into the Power of Captain Martin 
Loyola, and his Souldiers, in hopes, that when they 
found him naked, and deprived of all subsistance, they 
would take Compassion on him, and allow him the same 
Pension which was given to his Brother Don Diego 
Sayri Tupac, little suspecting that they would kill him, 
or do him any harm, since he was guilty of no Crime. 
The Spaniards in this manner seizing on the Inca, and 
on all the Indian Men and Women, who were in Com- 
pany with him, amongst which was his Wife, two Sons, 
and a Daughter, returned with them in Triumph to 
Cozco; to which place the Vice-King went, so soon as 
he was informed of the imprisonment of the poor 
Prince. " n 

Of his barbarous execution in Cuzco this is not the 
place to speak. 72 With the entry of Loyola, Vitcos 
ceased to be the Inca capital. 

So much for the chronicles, now for the work of fitting 
the evidence to some locality that would meet the re- 
quirements of historical accuracy. 

III. 

We arrived in Cuzco early in July, 1911, and while 
engaged in purchasing mules and making the necessary 
preparation for our journey into Vilcabamba, made 
enquiries in all likely quarters as to the possibility of 
finding any ruins down the Urubamba valley. 

It was known to a few people in Cuzco, chiefly resi- 
dents of the province of Convencion, that there were 
ruins still undescribed in the valley of the Urubamba. 
One friend told us that a muleteer had told him of some 
ruins near the bridge of San Miguel. Knowing the 
propensity of his countrymen to exaggerate, he placed 
little confidence in the report, and had passed by the 
place a score of times without taking the trouble to 
look into the matter. Another friend, who owned a 



71 Garcilasso: "Royal Commentaries . . . rendered into English by Sir Paul 
Rycaut." London: 1688, p. 1010. 

72 For an account of it see: Markham: " Incas of Peru, " pp. 293-297. 



41 

sugar plantation on the river Vilcabamba itself, said 
he also had heard vague rumours of ruins. He was quite 
sure there were some near Pucyura. He had been 
there, but had never seen any. Finally a talkative 
old peddler said there were ruins " finer than Choqque- 
quirau" down the valley somewhere. But as he had 
never been to Choqquequirau, and no one placed any 
confidence in his word anyhow, we could only hope there 
was some cause for his enthusiasm. Finally, there 
was the story in Wiener's "Perou et Bolivie" that 
when he was in Ollantaytambo in 1875, or thereabouts, 
he was told that there were fine ruins down the Uru- 
bamba valley at " Huaina-Picchu or Matcho-Picchu. " 
73 74 Wiener decided to go down the valley and look 
for them, but, owing to one reason or another, he failed 
to find them. Should we be any more successful? 

One person was sure we would — Senor Romero, whose 
thorough acquaintance with the history of the conquest 
made him confident that we should find not one but 
several groups of ruins hitherto unknown to Peruvian 
archaeologists. 

To most of our friends in Cuzco, however, the idea 
that there could be anything finer than Choqquequirau 
seemed absurd. They regarded that " cradle of gold" 
as "the most remarkable archaeological discovery of 
recent times, " and not only assured us there was nothing 
half so good, but themselves took it absolutely for granted 
that I was secretly planning to return thither to dig for 
buried treasure. Denials were of no avail. To a people 
whose ancestors made fortunes out of mines and "lucky 
strikes," and who have themselves been brought up 
on stories of enormous wealth still remaining to be 
discovered by some fortunate excavator, the question 
of treasure is an ever present source of conversation. 
Even the prefect of Cuzco was quite unable to conceive 



" Wiener, Charles. "Perou et Bolivie." Paris, 1880. p. 345. 

74 Huayna Pichu is said to be referred to in: "El brilliante porvenir del Cuzco," by 
a fray Julian Bovo de Rivello, — a rare pamphlet published in Cuzco in 1848, which I 
have been unable to find in this country. 



42 

of our doing anything for the love of discovery. He 
was convinced that I was about to find great riches at 
Choqquequirau, or else that I was in receipt of a very 
large salary! 

We found the ancient province of Vilcabamba a most 
difficult place to explore. The present entrance is over 
a newly built Government road, which leads through the 
Grand Canyon of the Urubamba, between Torontoy 
and Huadquina. In places the mighty precipices of 
solid granite rise five thousand feet sheer from the rapids 
to the clouds, and then continue brokenly upward to 
glaciers and snow-capped peaks. In the most inacces- 
sible part of this wonderful canyon I found the ruins 
of Macchu Pichu, a most remarkable city built on a 
precipitous ridge, thousands of feet above the river. 
When I first saw the ruins of Macchu Pichu, which is 
on a very high mountain commanding a magnificent 
view, and where there is a level space with very sump- 
tuous and majestic buildings erected with great skill, 
and made of white granite, I thought that I must have 
come across Pitcos, and that "Pitcos" was as near 
Pichu as Ocampo succeeded in getting. It will be re- 
membered that Ocampo said: "The said Inca Tupac 
Amaru was there in the fortress of Pitcos, which is on 
a very high mountain, whence the view commanded a 
great part of the province of Vilcapampa. Here there 
was an extensive level space, with very sumptuous and 
majestic buildings, erected with great skill and art, all 
the lintels of the doors, as well the principal as the ordi- 
nary ones, being of marble, elaborately carved." 75 

I was inclined to think that Pichu might have been 
the older form of Pitcos or Vitcos, particularly as the 
white granite of which the temples and palaces are con- 
structed could so easily pass for marble. The only 
difficulty about fitting this description to Macchu Pichu 
is that the buildings themselves, and not only the lintels 
of the doors, are of white granite. (There is no marble 
in the region.) Furthermore the location of Macchu 

?5 Ocampo, p. 216. 



43 

Pichu is not favorable to the geographical position of 
the places mentioned in the chronicles as being near 
Vitcos. And, so far as we were able to discover, there 
was no " white rock over a spring of water" near by. 

On August 6th we passed the bridge called Choque- 
chaca or Chuquichaca at the junction of the Urubamba 
and Vilcabamba rivers, and entered the present Vilca- 
bamba valley. 

It is not likely that there was a road in those days 
from the valley of Yucay to the Vilcabamba valley, 
except by way of the valley of Lucumayo. The Chuqui- 
chaca bridge which crosses the Urubamba river just 
below the junction of the Lucumayo valley with the 
Urubamba is, as Ocampo says, the key to the Vilca- 
bamba valley. Had the Incas destroyed that bridge, 
it would have been almost impossible for the Spaniards 
to have got across the Urubamba river and into the 
Vilcabamba valley. After crossing the bridge the road 
to-day follows the course of the river. It has only recent- 
ly been built by sugar planters to enable their loaded 
mules to travel with greater ease. Much of the road 
has been carved out of the face of a solid rock precipice. 
In fact, some of it has actually had to be tunnelled. 
The old road is correctly described as having a forest 
on the right, and on the left a ravine of great depth. 

We missed the best road to Paltaybamba, taking a 
trail that is much older. It was used until recently 
in order to avoid the precipices and rapids of the middle 
Vilcabamba. Our mules were quite tired with their 
long journey, and the hard climb up this hill, so that we 
did not reach Paltaybamba until half past six. The 
Paltaybamba plantation is not as extensive or as well 
run as the better ones in the Santa Ana valley, but com- 
pares favorably with the smaller ones. Visitors are 
rare here, and we were most hospitably received. The 
manager of the plantation gave us a boy to guide us to 
the next house, with orders that the man at that house 
should guide us to the next house, and so on up the valley. 
These people, being all tenants of the plantation, are 



44 

obliged to carry out such orders, sometimes at consider- 
able inconvenience to themselves. 

The valley of Vilcabamba above Paltaybamba is 
very picturesque : high mountains on either side, covered 
with tropical jungle; the light green of sugar-cane fields 
in the bottom of the valley, wherever there are level 
spots worth while cultivating; occasional huts of ten- 
ants; a roaring torrent, and a very winding road. 

We passed some ruins two leagues above Paltaybamba, 
near Huaran or Huarurani. We are told that there is 
a large Inca city near the cane fields. It is called Huay- 
ara. This is undoubtedly the place described in Ocampo, 
called Hoyara, and the site of the first Spanish settle- 
ment in this region, later abandoned for the present site 
of the village of Vilcabamba. 

Ocampo's story is as follows: "The Inca and the 
other Indians were collected and brought back to the 
valley of Hoyara. Here the Indians were settled in a 
large village, and a city of Spaniards was founded. It 
was called San Francisco of the Victory of Vilcapampa 
for two sacred and honest reasons. The first was 
because the victory was on the 4th of October, 1571, 
the day of San Francisco, the second being the name 
of the Viceroy to whom the victory was due. Great 
festivities were held in the city of Cusco when the news 
of the victory arrived. 

This city was founded on an extensive plain near a 
river, with an admirable climate. From the river chan- 
nels of water were taken for the service of the city, the 
water being very good. " 76 

We also heard of Nusta Esparia, said to be a city and 
fortress of the Incas above Rosaspata, and near Pucy- 
ura. It contains a big stone, and is opposite a place 
called Huancacalle. These things were told us by 
various Indians who were called up and interviewed by 
Evaristo Mogrovejo, the Lieutenant-Governor of Lucma. 
He was very keen to find ruins, as we offered him a re- 
ward of fifty cents gold for every ruin found, and double 
that amount if very fine ruins. 

« Ocampo, pp. 221-222. 



45 

Lucma has about twenty thatched-roof huts, and stores 
well supplied with the ordinary Indian necessities, in- 
cluding cotton cloth, sugar, canned goods, candles, etc. 
There is also a small tavern, where drinks are sold. A 
picturesque belfry and a small old church, somewhat 
out of repair, crown a small hill back of the town. There 
is little level land in the valley here, but gentle slopes 
permit a considerable amount of agriculture. Corn and 
alfalfa seem to be the principal crops. The hills rise 
several thousand feet above the valley on each side. 
In places they are covered with what looks like primeval 
forest jungle. It occurs chiefly above the cloud line. 
In some places recent clearings show evidence of enter- 
prise on the part of the present inhabitants. We had 
no difficulty in getting a mestizo here to pasture our 
animals. 

The next day Mogrovejo, Sergeant Carrasco, and I 
went up a ravine on top of the ridge, which here divides 
the upper Vilcabamba from the lower reaches of the 
river. After an hour's climb from the village of Lucma, 
we reach a sightly natural terrace, on which are located 
the ruins of Incahuaracana. They are of poor quality, 
resembling in many respects the ruins at Choqquequirau. 
The walls are made of unhewn stones, laid in clay. 
There are five houses in a row. The principal ones 
being lined with niches. The houses have two or three 
doors on the front side, no doors in the rear, and no 
windows. The walls have been partly pulled down by 
hand, and the doorways filled up with loose stones, 
apparently in order to keep cattle from straying. The 
ruins are much overgrown. The view on both sides is 
very charming. There is a nice little plaza on the ter- 
race in front of the ruins. As at Choqquequirau the 
whole thing is on a ridge, with an extensive view on 
both sides. The walls are in bad condition, and it was 
difficult to measure them. Showers and clouds made 
photography also difficult. The niches are in general 
about three feet high, and about one and a half feet 
wide, but very much ruined, only a few of them remain- 



47 

ing as they were originally. The interior dimensions 
of the buildings are as follows: 36 x 27 J^ feet; 343^ x 
28.2 feet; 36 x 11; and 76 x 11. The last two build- 
ings had no niches, and were probably occupied by the 
servants and attendants of the Incas, or whoever lived 
in the first two structures, which are more carefully 
built and fitted up with niches. 

The general effect gives one the impression that Inca- 
hauracana was a country house belonging to one of the 
nobility, some prince or chieftain who wished to overlook 
his estates. 

We left Lucma the next day and immediately re- 
crossed the Vilcabamba river at a ford, and soon had a 
good view up the valley to the hill on which are the 
ruins of Rosaspata. An hour later we reached Puquiura, 
and passed through the village, which has a poor church 
and a belfry in a tree. Just beyond is the village of 
Huancacalle, near Tincochaca. Here we left our goods 
and chattels in th6 care of an Indian, a friend of the 
Lieutenant-Governor's, crossed the river Vilcabamba 
on a foot-bridge, and at once came upon some interesting 
ruins. They were clearly not Incaic, and seemed to be 
the remains of a quartz stamping-mill. In Ocampo's 
account of Vilcabamba there is a statement that he 
lived in Puquiura, near the metal works of a wealthy 
caballero who had property in Cuzco. Ocampo says 
also that the illegitimate Inca, Titu Cusi Yupanqui, 
was baptized in a chapel near Ocampo's house and on his 
own land in Puquiura, near the metal works of Don 
Cristoval de Albornoz. 77 

It is possible that there are metal works nearer the 
small church at Puquiura than these ruins at Tincochaca 
but it is not likely. I am told that there is a gold mine, 
in the hills not far away. There is abundant evidence 
in these ruins to show that quartz crushing was carried 
on on a considerable scale. There are a number of 
ruins of houses, a large Spanish mill-stone, five feet in 
diameter and one foot three inches thick, and a charac- 

77 Ocampo, p. 214. 



48 



teristic Indian mortar and pestle, large enough to require 
the services of four men to work it. The pestle has 

been hollowed out of a large 
boulder that projects only a 
few inches above the surface 
of the ground, and the mor- 
tar is now lying on its side 
near the pestle. We turned 
it over with some difficulty, 

1*3 and frightened two or three 
large frogs that were taking 
2 refuge beneath it. The square 
5 hole in the middle of the mill- 
1 3 stone measured 8.1 inches by 

Ip u 8.1 . The mortar is nearly 
» G- four feet in diameter. 
§ fcJ Leaving this interesting ruin 

S < of a Spanish quartz mill, I 
g crossed the Tincochaca river 

||| * ona foot-bridge, climbed the 

r S hill called Rosaspata, and was 
H — * directed by the Lieutenant 
£ -Governor and the Indian 

I§ guide to an old and much de- 

ft £ stroyed ruin in the saddle of 
B *c the hill before reaching the 
< principal ruins of Rosaspata, 
I ^ and south of them. It is at 
IS ^ a place called Uncapampa. 
% V The ruin consists of the walls 
« 3 of a single house, 166.5 feet 
3 ^ long, by 33 feet in width. 
There are six doorways in 
front and none on the ends 
or in the rear walls. The 
ruins resembled those seen 
yesterday at Incahuaracana, 
and, like those, the walls are 
now used as part of a pasture 




Z 

5 
a: 



49 



fence. They are built of rough stones laid in clay. 
They had some niches, although almost all have dis- 
appeared. There are no projecting cylindrical blocks, 
and the general finish is extremely rough. The niches 




A. Principal room m Lena Palace 
B.C. 0. Principal doors- in Lonq Palace 

E. Best room in palace compound 

containing niches 

F. Courtyard in palace compound 

G. Plaza or bowlinq qrecn 

H. Unimportant oatiuinq structure 

Hole . Omna to the ruinous condition of many 
of the walls the measurements are approximate 



LT1 



GENER^ PUAN 

PUINS «f "rosaspata 
VITCOS 

Dro^rt ou £ l_ TroxeJt from meosurcmenrs 
1r>d photoqraphi* iohtn Auqu&t O and 3 I9ll t*j 

Professor Hiram Binqham 
Director of Hale Peruvian Ejrpeaillon 



PLAN 4 



vary from 2.3 feet in height to 2.5, and are about 1.9 
feet in width. They occur at irregular distances, 
roughly, 4J^ feet apart. The walls appear to have been 
about 10 feet in height. In fact, one corner is still 
standing at that height. There is a pleasant view from 



50 

the flat open space in front of the ruins over the valley 
of the Andenes, called the Quebrada Andene, or Ande. 

Leaving the ruin of Uncapampa with my Indian help- 
ers I climbed back on to the ridge, found a path along 
its west side,, and came to the ruins of Rosaspata. 
Passing some ruins very much overgrown and of a 
primitive character, I found myself on a pleasant open 
plaza, (see Plan 4, G,) bounded on its north side by the 
ruins of a large palace. 

The view from the plaza is a particularly extensive 
one on all sides. To the north and south are snow- 
capped mountains, and to the east and west deep beauti- 
ful valleys. The long palace, of which we made a plan 
with careful measurements, is 245 feet long and 43 feet 
wide. (See Plan 4.) There are 15 doors in front, 
and 15 doors behind, but none in the ends. There are 
no windows. It is divided by halls into three divisions. 
The front entrance to each hall is a particularly well 
made door, containing a reentrant angle. (B, C, and D 
on Plan 4.) These three principal doors and the other 
lesser doors are all of white granite, rather carefully 
squared and finished. The lintels of the doors are solid 
blocks of white granite, from 6 to 8 feet in length. Most 
of them have been destroyed, but enough remain to give 
a good idea of its former grandeur. The walls between 
the doors are not so carefully made, and the stones have 
not been squared. Only a few niches remain, so that it 
is impossible to say whether there were niches in the 
entire building. (See two in A.) There are also a few 
cylindrical projecting stones, as at Choqquequirau. 
What niches there are have been carefully made. Al- 
together it is a suitable building for the residence of a 
king. A very small portion of wall stands as it did 
originally. Most of the rear doors have been filled up 
with stones taken from the ruins, in order to make a 
continuous wall. New walls have also been built to 
divide the hilltop into pastures. There is considerable 
grass here, and we saw a number of cattle. There is 
some evidence of a considerable amount of digging 







*8& 



U 






51 

having taken place near the walls and of the wanton 
destruction of many in efforts at treasure hunting. 
The fine doors were much better than any we saw any- 
where, except at Macchu Pichu. 

Back of the large palace and a few feet above it on the 
end of the knoll which ends this part of the ridge of 
Rosaspata is what might fairly be called a palace-com- 
pound, consisting of thirteen or fourteen houses ar- 
ranged so as to form a rectangle, with large and small 
courts. The outside dimensions of the palace com- 
pound are about 161 feet by 146, but it is not perfectly 
square. The buildings themselves vary from 16 x 22 
to 30 x 46.8 feet. A couple of terraces separate the 
long palace from the palace compound. (See I, Plan 
4.) As will be seen from the accompanying plan the 
architects showed a considerable sense of symmetry. 
In this group of buildings there is no stone work as 
fine as that in the long palace. Like it, the walls have 
been pulled down and very much destroyed. It was 
impossible to get exact dimensions, and in our measure- 
ments we had to approximate them as well as we could 
from the general direction of the walls. In only one 
of these buildings could we be sure that there had been 
any niches. (E on Plan 4.) On the north side of the 
larger courtyard there is a niche in a wall which may 
have been a kind of shrine. 

The hill falls very rapidly on all sides, and it would 
have been extremely easy for a small force to have 
defended the hilltop. 

On the opposite side of the plaza, south of the long 
palace, is a single structure containing three doors on 
the south side, and possibly two on the north side. 
(H, Plan 4.) The building is 78.5 feet long, and 35 
feet wide. It has no niches. There is no evidence 
of any very careful workmanship. The whole building 
is in a very ruinous state. 

The next day we came down from the hill on the east 
side to the valley of Andene or Ande, and soon reached 
aMarge white granite boulder, which had a carved seat 



52 

on its north side. It was flattened on top, and on its 
west side covered a cave, in which were several niches. 
One of the niches in the cave under the stone is five feet 
high and 2.1 in width. This had in the back of it a 
smaller niche 1.6 feet in height, and 1.2 feet in width. 
The cave was walled on the side away from the rock, 
and in this wall, below the level of the ground, is another 
niche. The Indians said there was a spring nearby, 
and for a few moments I got very much excited, thinking 
this might be Yurak Rumi, but the spring turned out 
to be nothing but a small irrigating ditch. It seems to 
me possible that there may have been a priest's house 
here in connection with this possibly sacred boulder, and 
the priest lived in this cave and set up his idols in the 
niches nearby. 78 

Leaving this boulder and coming up the river, we came 
to a large number of very handsomety built terraces, 
and a number of carved boulders, including one that 
had a large intihuatana stone on it, and another that 
looked something like a saddle. 

We had been told that the most interesting place near 
here was Nusta Espafia, and that there we would find 
a great white rock over a spring of water. We arrived 
at this place at 4 o'clock, and were at once impressed by 
the truth of what we had heard, and convinced that 
this was indeed the sacred spot, the center of idolatry 
in the latter part of the Inca rule, according to Father 
Calancha. The rock was so much overgrown and sur- 
rounded with jungle, especially on two sides, that we 
made arrangements with the Lieutenant-Governor to 
have a force of Indians come here the next day and clear 
the rock so we could take photographs and make meas- 
urements of it. 

I spent nearly all day at Nusta Espafia with five In- 
dians, the Lieutenant-Governor, and a soldier. I put 
in most of my time taking photographs with the utmost 



' 8 The boulder is 31 feet in length and twenty-six feet in width. The flat space on top 
is about five feet square. The seat on the north side is 14 Y% feet long. A round nubbin, 
projecting in the middle of the back of the seat, divides it into nearly equal halves. 







TEMPLE " ^SUN 

AT 

NUSTA ESPANA 

FORMERLY 
VURAK RUMI 

IN 

CHUQUIPALPA 

NEAI? 

vrrcos 

OBWN BY E.LTROXELL TOM MEASUREMENTS 
fm PHOTOGRAPHS TAKEN AUGUST 10 1911 

Br 

PROFESSOR HIRAM BINGHAM 

SCALE 111 rtCT 
o yf, fi° ■m *» 



PLAN 5 



54 

possible care, and, following the sun around all day, 
was able to photograph the rock from all sides. Chalk 
was used to bring out some of the angles on the carved 
seats. It is difficult to give a vivid impression of this 
wonderful place. 

Nusta Espana, or as it was called in early Spanish 
colonial times, Yurak Rumi, is a white granite boulder, 
52 feet in length, 30 feet in width, and 25 feet high, above 
the present level of the water and swamp that surround 
it on the east and south sides. (See Plan 5.) 

On the south side of the monolith four or five small 
seats have been cut in the rock, and several large seats. 
Viewed from this side the rock looks not unlike a minia- 
ture mountain. This was probably its natural shape, 
although nature has been helped to a certain extent. 
Great care was exercised in cutting out the seats, and 
the edges are very nearly square and almost straight. 
In several places on the rock square projections have 
been left in bold relief, projecting from four to eight 
inches. The east side of the rock projects over the 
spring. A stone platform comes down to the water's 
edge. Near the water steps have been carved. Two 
seats have been carved out of the rock immediately 
above the spring. On the north side the rock has evi- 
dently been flattened artificially and carved into a rough 
relief. There are ten projecting square stones, like those 
usually called intihuatana stones. Seven of them in a 
line have been carved out of the face of the rock. The 
intihuatana stones are about 8 inches square. No two 
of them are exactly alike. It must have required great 
labor to carve these out of the flat face of the rock twelve 
feet above the water. If the projecting stones were 
intended to cause a shadow, it is significant that they 
were placed on the north side of the rock, where they 
would always be exposed to the sun. On the west side 
there are more seats and large steps. On top of the 
rock there is a flattened place, which might have been 
used for sacrifices. From it runs what looks like a little 
crack 79 in the boulder which has been artificially en- 

79 Local tradition says this mark was made by a little princess. 




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55 

larged. It is possible that this was intended to drain 
the blood of the victim killed on top of the rock. This 
shows in several of the photographs, as rain-water flow- 
ing down this crack has kept moss from gathering there 
as it has gathered over most of the monolith. 

Nearly all the large boulders in the vicinity have had 
seats carved out of them, and there are a number of 
stone platforms, at present partly covered with swampy 
ground. In the wall of the temple exactly opposite 
the north face of the rock is a nicely made niche, and an 
unusually large stone, finished with a nicely flattened 
surface. 

The surroundings are impressive. Densely wooded 
hills rise on both sides. It is a secluded spot, well cal- 
culated to impress the imagination of the worshippers. 
There seems to be no doubt that this was a sacred place. 
Furthermore, as I have said, about one fourth of the 
boulder overhangs a spring of clear water. Surrounding 
this are the ruins of houses, probably the House of the 
Sun, once occupied by the priests who officiated at the 
ceremonies described by Father Calancha in his Chron- 
icle. The important thing to us in this connection is 
that he said: " Joined to Vitcos is a village which is 
called Chucipalpa, and a House of the Sun, and in it a 
white stone on top of a spring of water, where the Devil 
appears in visible form and was adored by these idolators, 
this being the principal mochadero of these mountains.^ 
The locality where we found the monolith is called 
Nusta Espana, or Yurac Rumi, and is also known as 
Chuquepalta. There is a quebrada two days' journey 
from here, near Urumbaye, that is called Manangua 
Nunca, and it is there they say that the martyr Diego 
Ortiz was killed. 

Finally, as regards the present town of Vilcabamba: 
Apparently the first settlement was abandoned after the 
discovery of some silver mines andfthe municipality 
moved to a place called Villa-rica de Argeta, " which 
was at the place called Onccoy, where the Spaniards who 
first discovered this land found the flocks, and herds." 80 



80 Ocampo. p. 222. 



56 

In the negotiations for permission to change the site 
of the town Ocampo was the chief agent who went to 
Cuzco and treated with the Viceroy. 

"The change of site appeared convenient for the ser- 
vice of God our Lord and of his Majesty, and for the 
increase of his royal fifths, as well as beneficial to the 
inhabitants of the said city. Having examined the ca- 
pitulations and reasons, the said Don Luis de Velasco 
granted the licence to move the city to where it is now 
founded, ordering that it should have the title and name 
of the city of San Francisco of the Victory of Vilca- 
pampa, which was its first name. By this change of 
site I, the said Baltasar de Ocampo, performed a great 
service to God our Lord and his Majesty. Through my 
care, industry, and solicitude, a very good church was 
built, with its principal chapel and great doors. ' 81 

The present village of Vilcabamba, we were told by 
several of the oldest inhabitants, has for its proper title 
San Francisco de la Victoria. This enables us to be 
fairly certain that "the place called Onccoy" is this same 
basin of Vilcabamba, where there are excellent pasture 
lands to-day. It is in a cold, bleak region. The alti- 
tude is over 10,000 feet. The valley is broad, but too 
cold for agriculture, consequently it is given up almost 
entirely to pasture lands. Horses, cattle, and sheep we 
saw in abundance, but no llamas. We were given a 
cordial welcome by the Governor, Manuel Condore. 
He says that this place was formerly San Francisco de la 
Victoria. His principal servant has a strikingly marked 
Inca profile, the hawksbeak nose being very prominent. 
The village of Vilcabamba contains about forty houses, 
most of them well built of stones and adobe, with roofs 
thatched with grass. The church which Ocampo took 
pains to build is still standing. The walls are heavy and 
massive, well-buttressed, and show considerable "in- 
dustry and solicitude." Unfortunately the interior 
has not been well taken care of. 



Ocampo, pp. 222-223. 



57 



The young Inca, Tupac Amaru, fled from Vitcos, 
down "the valley of Simaponte. " (See above, p. 38.) 
We know also that the pursuers held a council of war 
at Banbaconas. 82 There is no valley in this vicinity 
that is now called Simaponte, so far as we could discover, 
but the Maflaries Indians are known to have lived on 



YALE. PERUVIAN EXPEDITION 
1911 

PLAN or RUINS 

ESPIRITU PAMPA 





PLAN 6 



the banks of the lower Urubamba, between that river 
and the Apurimac. In order to reach the country of 
the Maflaries Indians, the easiest way would have been 
to go down the Vilcabamba valley and so down the 
Urubamba, but this would have been to fly in the face 



82 See: 
303-304. 



Juicio de Limites entre el Peru y Bolivia: Vol. VII. Vilcabamba. 



58 

of the Spaniards who were coming up by that road. 
The other way would naturally be down the Pampa- 
conas valley. We followed a foot trail which leads from 
the present Vilcabamba basin down the Pampaconas 
valley to a place called Conservidayo, or Espiritu 
Pampa, or Vilcapampa, near which we found ruins of a 
number of well built houses of characteristic Inca archi- 
tecture. The presence of the customary types of Inca 
pottery and the characteristics of the architecture which 
resembles in many respects the buildings of Choqque- 
quirau, led me to believe that the Incas had a settle- 
ment here, and that there must have been a well trav- 
elled . foot path from the Vilcabamba valley, certainly 
down as far as Espiritu Pampa. From here to the 
country of the Mafiaries Indians and to canoe naviga- 
tion on the Urubamba could not have been more than 
a two days' journey. At present it would take longer, 
because the trails have been allowed to become entirely 
overgrown. 

It is my hope on the next expedition to trace the entire 
course of Loyola's expedition. At present we must 
rest content with what we have learned about Vitcos. 

IV. 

In conclusion I should like to sum up the evidence 
that Rosaspata is Vitcos, and that Nusta Espafia is 
the Temple of the Sun: 

We have, (1) the statement in Calancha that near 
Vitcos was a temple of the Sun in which was a white 
rock over a spring of water; 

(2) The description of Vitcos in Ocampo as a place 
on top of a high mountain, from which a large part of 
Vilcabamba could be seen; 

(3) Ocampo's description of the architecture of the 
palace at Vitcos, the special fact being mentioned that 
the doors, both ordinary and principal, were of white 
marble, beautifully carved. 

All three fit the Rosaspata locality. Nearby are the 
ruins of an ancient building, in which is a large white 



59 

rock over a spring of water; the Rosaspata ruins are on 
top of a conspicuously high hill or mountain, from which 
the view is fine in all directions, and extends to snow- 
capped peaks both north and south; the ruins of Rosas- 
pata, unlike those of Macchu Pichu, are noticeable be- 
cause there are two kinds of doors, ordinary and prin- 
cipal ones, and the doors are carefully carved out of 
white granite, whereas the doors at Macchu Pichu are 
not any finer than all the rest of the structure, and would 
not have attracted particular attention. 

In regard to the Temple of the Sun, evidence may be 
offered as follows: 

We find (1) the name Chuquipalpa, or Chuquipalta, 
is still applied to the vicinity of Nusta Espana; 

(2) The name Puquiura is still applied to a village 
where there is a rather large ancient church within easy 
walking distance of Nusta Espana; 

(3) Near Puquiura are the remains of a gold quartz 
crushing plant; 

(4) And, most important of all, Nusta Espana contains 
the ruins of edifices clearly Inca in character, and sur- 
rounding a large white rock actually over a spring of 
water, an unusual occurrence. Furthermore, this rock 
bears in its carvings marks which indicate that at one 
time in the remote past it was undoubtedly an object 
of veneration. 

This evidence confirms me in the belief that at Nusta 
Espana was the shrine called Yurak Rumi, the principal 
mochadero of the Indians in Vilcabamba. 

Finally, a word of caution. Attention should be 
called to the fact that we were not able to exhaust all 
the possibilities, as we have not yet examined every part 
of the Vilcabamba region, and, until this is done, can 
not speak positively about the identification of Vitcos, 
even though it seems extremely probable that Rosas- 
pata is that place. The things that have caused me 
most to doubt my own conclusions are (1) the fact that 
I could find no one in the vicinity who had ever heard the 
name of Vitcos; and (2) that Pichu is much more nearly 



60 

like Pitcos than any other place name in the region. 
I hope on the next expedition to exhaust all the possi- 
bilities in the region about Macchu Pichu, and see 
whether it is possible to work out a different interpreta- 
tion of the chronicles than the one herewith presented. 



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63 

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64 

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Jfmerifan pnfiquarian ^acitiij 



VITCOS, 
THE LAST INCA CAPITAL 



BY 
HIRAM BINGHAM 

Director of the Yale Peruvian Expedition 



LRpAg'13 



; 



